Adolfo Lujan | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Mass demonstration in Madrid on International Women's Day
Multitudinaria manifestación en Madrid en el día internacional de la mujer

Priority Areas

Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.

Advancing Universal Rights and Justice

Uprooting Fascisms and Fundamentalisms

Across the globe, feminist, women’s rights and gender justice defenders are challenging the agendas of fascist and fundamentalist actors. These oppressive forces target women, persons who are non-conforming in their gender identity, expression and/or sexual orientation, and other oppressed communities.


Discriminatory ideologies are undermining and co-opting our human rights systems and standards,  with the aim of making rights the preserve of only certain groups. In the face of this, the Advancing Universal Rights and Justice (AURJ) initiative promotes the universality of rights - the foundational principle that human rights belong to everyone, no matter who they are, without exception.

We create space for feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to recognize, strategize and take collective action to counter the influence and impact of anti-rights actors. We also seek to advance women’s rights and feminist frameworks, norms and proposals, and to protect and promote the universality of rights.


Our actions

Through this initiative, we:

  • Build knowledge: We support feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements by disseminating and popularizing knowledge and key messages about anti-rights actors, their strategies, and impact in the international human rights systems through AWID’s leadership role in the collaborative platform, the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs)*.
  • Advance feminist agendas: We ally ourselves with partners in international human rights spaces including, the Human Rights Council, the Commission on Population and Development, the Commission on the Status of Women and the UN General Assembly.
  • Create and amplify alternatives: We engage with our members to ensure that international commitments, resolutions and norms reflect and are fed back into organizing in other spaces locally, nationally and regionally.
  • Mobilize solidarity action: We take action alongside women human rights defenders (WHRDs) including trans and intersex defenders and young feminists, working to challenge fundamentalisms and fascisms and call attention to situations of risk.  

 

Related Content

Feminist Embodiments of Hope and Power

A Film Series on Feminist Realities from the SWANA region


by Esra Ozban

In a product-obsessed world, prioritizing process is a fundamental feminist method. Processes matter, and curation is no exception. While figuring out which of the films from the SWANA region would speak the loudest to the Feminist Realities theme, the global pandemic we are still facing shifted our everyday lives tremendously. Even to think, write, or express myself has become an everyday struggle. I kept missing all of my deadlines and sending apology emails to Kamee Abrahamian, whom I was working with as an independent curator for AWID’s Feminist Film Club. Kamee’s invaluable support, understanding, and suggestions reminded me that even in two different parts of the world, as colleagues who never met in person, we can co-create micro versions of the Feminist Realities for which we live and yearn. 

Feminist Realities for me have a lot to do with sisterhoods. Sisterhoods that help womxn clearing mines in Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh. Sisterhoods baked in Vegan Inclusive Trans Cake by young trans feminists in Ankara that remind cis-ters that they are not welcomed by the Z generation. Sisterhoods that are growing into the mint on Dragica Alafandi’s rooftop in the Dheisheh Refugee Camp in Occupied Palestine in Sowing seeds of resistance. Sisterhoods that embrace intimate, sexual, and revolutionary proximities in Gezi Park in #resistayol. Sisterhoods that unearth an imagined encounter between two generations of womxn in exile in the streets of Haifa in Your father was born 100 years old and so was the Nakba. Cross-species sisterhoods that build in a fictional (brave) space created by Mounia Akl in Submarine for her rebel character Hala, who refuses to evacuate from a city full of garbage and is left behind with a dog friend.
 
This selection gathers bits and pieces of many Feminist Realities that have been realized in the SWANA region over the last couple of years. We will continue to imagine, learn, and share feminist embodiments of hope and power. In the meantime, let’s immerse ourselves in the powerful alternatives brought to life by the filmmakers and protagonists of these films. We may co-create every step, every act, and every attempt as we continue to cohabitate this world with others who are living Feminist Realities and continue to dream more of them into existence. 



MOTHERLAND 


By Emily Mkrtichian& Jesse Soursourian

“With beautiful visuals paired with compelling verité scenes, Motherland is a show of female camaraderie and strength… The film is a testament of women around the world who are willing to work harder to overcome any obstacle they meet.”
    - Nosarieme Garrick, award winning filmmaker

“Motherland is an inspiring visualization of solidarity, courage, and grit…”
    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Motherland from jesse soursourian on Vimeo.

Emily Mkrtichian on Feminist Realities and Artsakh/NKR:
We shot the short film, Motherland, in the Republic of Artsakh in 2018. I was drawn to each of these women for their strength, their resilience and their humor -- despite the context in which they lived. In 2018, that context was the aftermath of a brutal war in the 1990’s, after which their country remained an unrecognized (or, in the international community, disputed) territory that was not given the autonomy and independence so many other countries enjoy. Artsakh was also deeply affected by the consequences we see in almost all places that go through violent conflict -- consequences that so often fall on women to bear: PTSD, high rates of alcoholism, high rates of domestic abuse, less equality and freedoms granted to women, little to no representation of women in politics and civil service. In the face of all these challenges, this film tries to capture the fire and power of the women of Artsakh, one that might not fit the traditional Western feminist paradigm, but one they have created for themselves through deep community ties, care for their families, hard work, and the ability to laugh with eachother through it all. Today, the Republic of Artsakh has been newly devastated by another war that left it without 70% of the lands these women grew up understanding were theirs. Yet, I can promise you that these women, and thousands of others, continue to pull their families, communities, and culture together through the same networks of care, commitment to hard work, and deep riotous laughter in the face of an uncertain future. 



SOWING SEEDS OF RESISTANCE


By Baladi-Rooted Resistance

“A timely film to watch after having born witness to the latest bombardment of Gaza by Israeli Defence Forces. A glimpse into the way that women in Palestinian communities survive structural oppression, through the story of a library of traditional seeds.. and the women that sustain them as a form of nourishing rebellion.”

    - Jessica Horn, PanAfrican feminst strategist, writer and co-creator of the temple of her skin


“Watching women coming together and working collectively for food autonomy is both therapeutic and empowering for me.”
    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Baladi-Rooted Resistance Team on Feminist Realities:
How to talk about Feminist Realities when you live in Deheisheh, a Palestinian refugee camp, built 70 years ago to serve 3000 refugees, but now home to 15000 people, in the occupied West Bank? Or when the land you farm is under constant threat by illegal settlers.
If you’re a woman in occupied Palestine you will have to struggle not only against patriarchy but also against colonialism and a brutal military occupation. 

Dragiča and Vivien are fighting these multiple systems of domination in their own way. 
Vivien uses native seeds to help Palestinians maintain their identity. Growing traditional food in traditional ways has great significance: “If you’re not a producer anymore, you’re a consumer, and what better way to enslave someone than turning them into your consumer. This is happening all around the world, but here you have it doubled with the military occupation.”

31.5% of households in the West Bank are food insecure. Through a rooftop edible garden, Dragiča managed to increase her family’s food autonomy. In the crowded camp, where the Israeli army conducts regular nighttime incursions to arrest and harass residents, Dragiča’s rooftop garden not only nourishes her family, but it especially nourishes her soul.



#RESISTAYOL


By Ruzgar Buski

Ruzgar Buski on Feminist Realities:
I don’t know what to say about Feminist Realities but as a trans artist, an activist from Turkey, I know our realities are harsh. We live with violences- physical, emotional, economical, sexual! That is why we have to build our own networks, and co-creating micro realities for each other is a Feminist Reality for me. #resistayol is my first film, and at the beginning I was planning to make a film by/for/with trans people that does not try to convince anyone to the fact that trans people are human or focuses on raising awareness on trans issues. However, Gezi Uprising, one of the biggest uprising in the history of Turkey, happened and the film became something different. 

I believe the production process really affects what the film is. We tried very hard for women, trans and non-binary people to work on every step of the film. This film is made by people who gathered with camaraderie and friendship. Kanka Productions is founded on transfeminist comradeship. I want the film to give hope, to heal because we carry a lot of traumas in our bodies- this is what makes us and what bonds us. Healing is a never-ending process and we have to create spaces to breath. #resistayol is an hour of breathing collectively.

Boysan Yakar in #resistayol:
Well lubunyas (queers) were sitting in the park, all of a sudden bulldozers arrived and everyone got pissed off. Actually in summary this is it. It's Lubunya's park,and we had thirty days to explain that to this huge city. Everyone acknowledged that at night ibnes (faggots) fuck in that park...LGBTI Block carried our commune there. We already didn't trust the state and police  and didn't have any security, we've established our own ways of doing things, our own laws and customs to survive... We carried our law to Gezi rapidly...With an effort to establish some common language and understanding among all these groups, the LGBT language of togetherness spread all through the park. Every day was a Pride march, everyone was continuously saying ‘ayol’. We spruced up the stinky, fusty language of the left. I guess we had such an impact because we've been disowned for all these years. From the most radical ones to the most conservative and nationalist ones, they all needed us, because everyone got used to being confronted with everything. Τhey were not used to such energy, our energy. That’s why it was a great political space for us. Every day, we actualized our biggest and main struggle there, that is, a struggle for visibility and recognition. That’s why we left Gezi with a huge gain.


VEGAN INCLUSIVE TRANS CAKE


By Pembe Hayat

“...a multifaceted statement, showing the joy that exists in the friendships within the queer  community in Turkey as a display of rebellion and resistance.”
 
    - Nosarieme Garrick, award winning filmmaker

“...fun, light, and random. In a world constantly marked and scarred by violence against the trans community, nothing, no action, is (unfortunately) deprived of meaning. So to more joy, love, and meaningful randomness!”
 

    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Cayan Azadi in Vegan Inclusive Trans Cake:
Hello Barbies, Kens, porcelain dolls,  Olive Oyls, cabbage dolls. Brides of Chucky, sisters of Chucky, brother-in-laws of Chucky and last but not least, esteemed brother-in-law lovers.

So why did we make this cake. 

Now we got the news that a trans woman sex worker has attempted suicide due to the violence from street-guards and police on the street. She’s being kept at a police station now and that’s exactly why we made this cake. This transvestite cake is baked to show that we exist in every part of life, that we exist persistently and this cake shows that won’t be wiped off or ignored in this society. 

Yes, there is violence in our lives, yes there is a lot of shade as well but despite all of that, we can still have fun, enjoying life as much as we can. Bon appetit, sis! 


YOUR FATHER WAS BORN 100 YEARS OLD AND SO WAS THE NAKBA  ابوكي خلق عمره ١٠٠ سنة، زي النكبة


By Razan AlSalah


SUBMARINE

By Mounia Akl

“It is directed as a poem is written… simple, a touch abstract, and moving.” 
 
    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Esra Ozban:
Esra Ozban is a film programmer and filmmaker from Turkey. Their artistic, curatorial, and scholarly work intersects critical archival practices, sex work, pornography, feminist/queer film cultures among others.


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Snippet - CSW69 - Where will the money be - EN

Where will the money be for feminist organizing?

Activists reflection & solidarity circle

✉️ By registration only. Register here

📅 Friday, March 14, 2025
🕒 12.00-2.00pm EST

🏢 Blue Gallery, The Blue Building, 222 East 46th Street

🎙️Facilitated by: Gopika Bashi, AWID Director of Programs

Organizer: Count Me In! Consortium

A Joy to the World: Six Questions with Naike Ledan

Interviewed by Chinelo Onwualu

Decorative Element


Naike Ledan Portrait

Naike Ledan is a social justice defendant, a committed feminist that brings forward 20 years of experience in human rights and health justice advocacy, women’s empowerment, the fight for universal access to basic services and social inclusion, as well as civil society capacity building. She has built extensive work in Canada, West and southern Africa, as well as in Haiti, in civil rights advocacy, capacity building for CSOs, while emphasising the social determinants of structural exclusion. She values the principles of shared leadership, anticolonial, anti-oppressive, and anti-patriarchal spaces. 

Article Cover for A Joy to the World: Six Questions with Naike Ledan

Chinelo You’re billed as a trans rights activist; I’m curious about how you made that journey.

Naike So, I grew up in Haiti until I was 18, then I lived in Montreal for 19 years. Coming back to Haiti in 2016, I thought I would be coming back home, but the place had changed and I had to readjust. I did not necessarily reconnect in the way that I’d expected to with childhood family and friends. I came back as an expat with a comfortable work situation, and I felt very much like a foreigner for a very long time. And at the same time, I felt very much at home because of the language, the understood silence, the not having to explain when we start singing a commercial – you know, that thing we share, that energy, that space, that spirit.

My return to self-love – I would call “rebirth” – coinciding with giving birth to my first child, giving birth to myself, and falling in love with my queerness or same-gender lovingness. (Photo credit: Naike Ledan)

What helped me was, I loved the work of going into the country and documenting people’s knowledge. So I left the comfort. I became a country director of a regional organisation that was queer as fuck! Most of my work was to find resources and build the capacity of civil society. My strategy was to go into the countryside, look for all these little organizations, help build their capacity, and fund them. I was not interested in politicians and shaking hands and taking pictures . I had a very good ally, Charlot Jeudy – the [queer] activist that got killed three years ago in his house. We got very close after an Afro-queer film festival we were planning got banned in Haiti. But it made a lot of noise and sparked conversations about queerness everywhere, so Charlot introduced me to every little CSO in every little corner of the country. And I would just be there to help organisation[s] with registering legally or building their strategic plan. So it’s been a lot of these kinds of work that made me a queer activist and by extension, a trans activist. Although I don’t call myself that – an activist. It’s such a loaded word, you know? And it’s something people call you. I think I’m just a lover and a fighter .

Chinelo Tell me about the workshop you conducted with AWID for the festival. What was it about and what was the context?

My deep self awareness during my childhood years and my engagement in questioning inequalities and injustice at a very very young age (+/- 4 years old). (Photo credit: Naike Ledan)

Naike International media doesn’t really talk about Haiti, but with a political environment that is as bad as ours, the economic environment is even more catastrophic. Being a more middle class Haitian, speaking different languages, having different passports, I was initially hesitant to take the space. But I often see myself as a bridge more than someone that would talk about themself. That is how I came to invite Semi, who is a brilliant young trans woman from outside Port-au-Prince, to take the space to talk for herself and walk us through the ecosystem of the realities for trans women in Haiti. We ended up building a session about uninclusive feminism – or, I would say, formal feminist spaces – and how trans girls in Haiti do not have spaces where they can contribute to women’s knowledge and sharing of women’s realities. So the AWID festival was the opportunity for me to give the space to the women who should have it. We had a wonderful time; we had wine online while hosting the conversation. My co-facilitator, Semi, shared what it is like to be a trans child/girl/woman at different stages of her life. She also shared the dangers of the street, of poverty, of exclusion, of “not passing,” and her victories as well.

Chinelo What is the relationship of trans women to feminist organizations in Haiti? What has been your experience with that?

Naike It’s been really hard – heartbreaking, actually – the experience of trans women in Haiti. From not existing at all to just being extremely sexualized. The other thing that’s been happening is how they’re being killed, and how those killings have gone unreported in the media. This is how non-existent, how erased trans women are. They’re everywhere but not in job settings, not in feminist settings, not in organizational settings. Not even in LGBT organizations. It’s only recently, and because of a lot of advocacy push, that some of these organization are kind of readjusting, but in feminist spaces, this is still out of the question. We are still having to deal with the old exclusionary discourse of “They’re not women. Of course, if they can pass…” The culture of passing, it’s a risk management conversation – how much you pass and how much you don’t pass and what it means for your body and the violence it inflicts. In the trans-exclusionary realities we live in, which are reproduced in a lot of feminist spaces, those that pass completely may be considered girls, but only to a certain extent. But how about falling in love, how about having a conversation, how about being in the closet, how about wanting a certain aesthetic, or a career? So really, the conversation about hormone therapy becomes about risk reduction, as Semi herself shared at the workshop. But we don’t have the option of hormone therapy, we don’t have the medical framework nor the system to support those who would like to pursue that option.

Chinelo When you talk about the way that trans people and queer people are thought of in society, it sounds like it might be similar to Nigeria, which can be a deeply homophobic environment.

Naike Haiti is a very complex country in a very beautiful way. Nothing is simple, you know, nothing is ever one way. Haitians are very tolerant – and they’re also very homophobic. You’re going to find regions in the countryside where people aren’t that homophobic at all because all the Vodou temples there, and this is a religion that respects life. One basic principle of the Vodou religion is that all children are children. So, there is no right or wrong in the religion. For the longest time, people thought of Haiti as a haven, a place where people are tolerant – we’re talking 70s, 80s, pre-HIV, 90s even. Then you had the earthquake [in 2010] where around 300,000 people died. And then all this money came from the south of the US through the Evangelicals to rebuild the country and find Jesus. So, the homophobia in Haiti is very recent. In the depth, in the heart of the soul of the culture, I cannot really say that it is homophobic. But in the everyday life, it surely lands on the skin of queer people, that violence. And that of women, of poor women, of dark women as well, because colorism runs deep in the Caribbean.

Chinelo How have you managed this? What’s been your strategy for survival?

My return to Haiti as part of my decolonizing process, and choosing to physically position my senses and my family’s senses to magic and blackness uncompromisingly. (Photo credit: Naike Ledan)

Naike I’m really in love with my work. I love working. When I first arrived, I was working with this horrible NGO but I was doing amazing work. I was always in the countryside, conversing and learning from people, from women. And that filled my heart for so long because I’m very much in love with my culture, with black people, with black women – old black women, black babies. It just fills me up in a spiritual way. When we were in Canada my kids were in these all-white schools and tokenized. They did not speak Creole nor French. And now, they’re running free in the yard and starting to fight in Creole. I also found hubs of survival with the people I met. I created bonds with the queers and others who were weirdos like me and it’s been really wonderful. But now I’m struggling because I don’t feel safe in Haiti anymore. We have about 40 kidnappings per week in Port-Au-Prince – and it’s been like that since 2018. I’ve developed anxiety and panic attacks. So It’s time to go, and I’ve been asking myself, “where is home?” I spent 19 years in Montreal but I never felt at home there. When I left, I never missed it so I don’t want to go back. I’ve been crying a lot lately because it feels like entering a second exile.

Chinelo What’s your relationship to pleasure, leisure, and rest?

Naike My relationship with pleasure, leisure, and rest are for me one and the same. It is the lived moment when I indulge in the heat of the sun on my face for example. It is pleasure, leisure, and rest at the same time.

Pleasure: My go-to space, most solely a haven of celebration of myself. I reserve myself the power and the right to be loud or quiet in the enjoyment of the pleasure I experience. All the pleasure I viciously and abundantly indulge in, including and not limited to the pleasure of solitude and silence.

Leisure: biking, music festivals, eating, wine discoveries, dancing in Haitian traditional Vodou dances are amongst many that occur at the moment.

Rest: is what I live for. As an overachiever and a person that is literally in love with work, it is a paradox how lazy I am. No one knows that because all of what the world sees is this: an accomplished overworker. They do not know how I can just, uncompromisingly and profoundly indulge in idleness.

Cover image for Communicating Desire
 
Explore Transnational Embodiments

This journal edition in partnership with Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research, will explore feminist solutions, proposals and realities for transforming our current world, our bodies and our sexualities.

Explore

Cover image, woman biting a fruit
 

التجسيدات العابرة للحدود

نصدر النسخة هذه من المجلة بالشراكة مع «كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد والجندر»، وسنستكشف عبرها الحلول والاقتراحات وأنواع الواقع النسوية لتغيير عالمنا الحالي وكذلك أجسادنا وجنسانياتنا.

استكشف المجلة

Snippet - WCFM Regional focus: - EN

Regional focus:

Filter for funders that support initiatives in your geographical area.

Introducing AWID’s next Co-Executive Directors

Dear Feminist Movements,

On behalf of the AWID Board of Directors, I am proud to introduce AWID’s next Co-Executive Directors: Faye Macheke and Inna Michaeli!  

Portrait of CoED Faye Macheke smiling and standing in front of greenery
Faye Macheke is a passionate Pan-African feminist, active in movements for women's rights, racial justice, migrant and labor rights, and environmental justice.  Her activism builds on the legacy of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa and the aftermath of the apartheid era in Zimbabwe. In 2019, Faye joined AWID as the Director of Finance, Operations and Development. She brings extensive experience in feminist leadership, strategy, and all aspects of organisational development. Faye is a committed Board Member of UAF-Africa and other women's rights organizations. She is based in Cape Town, South Africa.
Portrait of CoED Inna Michaeli smiling. Behind them is a wall with grafiti.
Inna Michaeli is a feminist lesbian queer activist and sociologist with many years of deep engagement in feminist and LGBTQI+ struggles, political education and organizing by and for migrant women, and Palestine liberation and solidarity. Inna joined AWID in 2016 and served in different roles, most recently as the Director of Programs. She brings extensive experience in research and knowledge building, policy advocacy and organizational development. Inna serves on the Board of the Jewish Voice for Peace - Germany. She is based in Berlin, Germany.

This decision is the result of a rigorous process with full participation of the Board and the staff of AWID. The Board recognised and honoured the skills and talents of AWID staff by opening an internal hiring search.  As a result, we had two brilliant candidates, who embody the integrity, ethic of care, and feminist intersectional values that drive AWID’s work, apply together as a team. Faye and Inna brought forward a brave and exciting vision to meet the challenges of this moment: building a global feminist community, resisting and disrupting systems of oppression, and supporting feminist movements to thrive.
 
As AWID celebrates 40 years we are excited for Inna and Faye to co-lead AWID into our next strategy and a new phase of evolving, pushing boundaries, and supporting feminist movements worldwide. 
 
Appointing and supporting AWID’s Co-Executive Directors to lead the organisation is a fiduciary responsibility we take seriously as a Board. How we engage those processes is also a reflection of AWID’s brilliant and diverse membership, which elects AWID’s Board.
 
As we say good-bye to Cindy and Hakima, we, the Board, unanimously and enthusiastically welcome Faye and Inna as our next Co-EDs as of September 5, 2022. Stay tuned for more updates about our leadership transition in the months ahead.

Most of all, thank you for your ongoing support!

In feminist solidarity and love,
Margo Okazawa-Rey
President, AWID Board

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Explore and share the databases with your network now!

The 2023 Feminist Calendar

Image of a calendar on a flat surface. The images decorating each month change every second: first there is a naked person sitting enjoying a hot drink in relaxation, then we see two pink hands over a blue background and finally a couple riding a motorcycle. This looks indefinitely.

AWID is a part of an incredible ecosystem of feminist movements working to achieve gender justice and social justice worldwide. With our 40th anniversary, we are celebrating all that we’ve built over these last 40 years. As a global feminist movement support organization we know that working with fierce feminisms is our way forward, acknowledging both the multiplicity of feminisms and the value of fierce and unapologetic drive for justice. The state of the world and of feminist movements calls for brave conversations and action. We look forward to working together with our members, partners and funders in creating the worlds we believe in, celebrating the wins and speaking truth to power in service of feminist movements globally.

The 2023 Feminist Calendar is our gift to movements. It features the artwork of some of our amazing AWID members.

This is the cover for the 2023 Feminist Calendar. It shows a diverse group of people of all ages embracing and holding hands.

Use it. Print it. Share it. 

Get it in your preferred language!

Select image quality

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Snippet - COP30 - Resisting Ecofascisms - EN

Resisting Ecofascisms: A cross-movement dialogue at COP30

How movements are resisting fascist agendas in relation to climate change.

📅 Tuesday, November 11, 2025 
📍 Beira Rio Hotel, Belém, Pará

Thank you

Thank you for your interest, but the page you're looking for no longer exists.

You can explore more content and updates at https://www.awid.org.

Snippet - COP30 - Feminist Economic Alternatives Brief - EN

📖 Feminist Economic Alternatives Brief

A tool for feminist activists at COP30 fighting for transformative, equitable and community-centred solutions to address the climate crisis.

Download the Brief

Também disponível em português

Women Human Rights Defenders

WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.

The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.


Risks and threats targeting WHRDs  

WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.

By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:

  • Physical assault and death
  • Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
  • Judicial harassment and criminalization
  • Burnout

A collaborative, holistic approach to safety

We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership

  • to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
  • to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk

We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:

  • emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
  • documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
  • promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
  • building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles

Our Actions

We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.

  • Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to  strengthen  responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.

  • Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa  Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;

  • Increasing the visibility and recognition of  WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:

  • Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.

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L’activisme pour les droits et la protection des travailleuses-eurs du sexe en Hongrie

L’activisme pour les droits et la protection des travailleuses-eurs du sexe en Hongrie

En septembre 2015, l'Association hongroise des travailleuses-eurs du sexe (SZEXE) a célébré 15 ans de travail au service de la lutte pour les droits des travailleuses-eurs du sexe, pour leur protection et contre leur stigmatisation. 


SZEXE a été créée par des travailleuses du sexe, pour la plupart d’origine rom et travaillant dans la rue, qui se sont réunies avec leurs allié-e-s pour protester contre l'introduction d'une loi réglementant le travail du sexe. Cette action est souvent décrite comme marquant le début de l'activisme sur le travail du sexe en Hongrie.

« Zones de tolérance »

La loi contre laquelle SZEXE a protesté a été « rédigée afin de pousser les travailleuses-eurs du sexe, principalement d'origine rom, à quitter Józsefváros, le 8ème arrondissement de Budapest, de sorte que la zone puisse être réhabilitée et que les bâtiments publics puissent être privatisées plus facilement ». Selon cette loi, les municipalités qui comptent une population de plus de 50.000 personnes ou des quartiers où le travail du sexe est considéré comme envahissant devaient délimiter des soi-disant «zones de tolérance». Il a été déclaré illégal de proposer des services sexuels en dehors de ces zones alors que les autorités hongroises étaient réticentes à les identifier. Cela a poussé un nombre important de travailleuses-eurs du sexe vers l'activité illégale, un grand nombre d’entre elles ayant été condamnées à une amende ou placées en détention.

Pour aggraver encore la situation, les travailleuses-eurs du sexe entretiennent des rapports hostiles avec la police :

«Les travailleuses-eurs du sexe craignent la police, plutôt que de pouvoir compter sur elle pour les défendre contre des actes de violence ou d'autres crimes. » – SZEXE

Mettre la maltraitance au défi

L'une des priorités de SZEXE est de fournir une aide juridique aux travailleuses-eurs du sexe : Depuis sa création, l'organisation a initié de nombreuses actions en justice devant les tribunaux. En conséquence, certains districts de Budapest se sont vus obligés « d’identifier des zones de quasi-tolérance ». En dépit de ces décisions, SZEXE a été témoin à de nombreuses reprises de mauvais traitements à l’égard des travailleuses-eurs du sexe par la police et a constitué des dossiers d’information à leur sujet.

« La police a profité de l'absence de certitudes en matière juridique concernant ces zones de tolérance et les travailleuses-eurs du sexe ont été ciblées injustement afin de permettre à la police d’atteindre ses quotas d’amendes ». - SZEXE

SZEXE a contesté avec succès des centaines « d’amendes et de détentions arbitraires pratiquées par la police. »

Depuis que la Hongrie a rejoint l'UE en 2004, l'association a également mis en œuvre des projets pilotes innovants pour « favoriser l'auto-organisation de la communauté, pour autonomiser les travailleuses-eurs du sexe en leur fournissant des services juridiques et des services associés au VIH et en s’exprimant ouvertement contre la marginalisation et la pauvreté. Ces projets ont bénéficié de subventions du Fonds social européen ».

SZEXE soutient également les travailleuses-eurs du sexe en proposant de la formation par des pairs, des conseils en matière de migration, des services de santé communautaires, le développement des compétences entrepreneuriales et renforcé son travail de plaidoyer au niveau national et international. À la suite de ces efforts de lobbying et à la production d'un rapport alternatif, le Comité pour l'élimination de la discrimination à l'égard des femmes (CEDAW) a appelé le gouvernement hongrois à « adopter des mesures visant à prévenir la discrimination contre les travailleuses-eurs du sexe et de veiller à ce que la législation sur leurs droits à des conditions de travail sûres soit garantie aux niveaux local et national ".

Une société civile hongroise sur le déclin 

En dépit des nombreuses batailles et victoires remportées à ce jour, "la situation des travailleuses-eurs du sexe et leur mobilisation a décliné au cours des dernières années en Hongrie", selon SZEXE. Etant donné les mesures de répression contre la société civile et contre certaines ONGs par l'actuel gouvernement d'extrême-droite, SZEXE se retrouve parmi les organisations qui ont perdu « toutes ses principales sources de financement national dans un contexte de rétrécissement de l’espace d’expression de la société civile ». Les ONG pro-gouvernementales, quant à elles, bénéficient d’une ligne budgétaire destinée à soutenir les « valeurs familiales traditionnelles et (le renforcement de)  l'identité nationale ». 

Une autre facette de cette tendance inquiétante est une loi sur les délits de 2012, qui a un effet dévastateur sur les groupes marginalisés, y compris la population rom, les personnes sans-abri, les toxicomanes et les travailleuses-eurs du sexe. Cette loi a favorisé la discrimination et un contrôle disproportionné des travailleuses-eurs du sexe qui reçoivent « des amendes pour non-respect de réglementations vagues ou arbitraires en matière de travail du sexe ». SZEXE déclare qu’en 2012 seulement, plus de 14.000 cas de délit ont été enregistrés contre les travailleuses-eurs du sexe. Cette situation est aggravée par le fait qu’en l'absence d'engagement du gouvernement pour répondre à leur droit à la santé, les travailleuses-eurs du sexe sont encore plus vulnérables qu’avant. 

Mouvement(s) inclusifs

être créés et soutenus pour continuer à contester les discriminations, les stigmatisations et les violations des droits humains (pas seulement en Hongrie, mais à l'échelle mondiale). SZEXE a rejoint l’AWID comme membre suite à sa participation au Forum international de l’AWID en 2012.

"Ce rassemblement a vraiment été une source d'inspiration pour les collègues de SZEXE, c’était la première fois qu’elles ont eu l’occasion d’entrer en contact avec le mouvement féministe international et d’en apprendre plus sur les luttes des femmes, parfois très similaires, dans le monde" - SZEXE

La participation de SZEXE au Forum a renforcé sa prise de conscience du potentiel de mobilisation collective qui existe au sein du (des) mouvement(s) pour les droits des femmes. L'organisation, « inspirée par la diversité des voix et des causes du mouvement, s’exprime ouvertement contre le sexisme, la whorephobia, l'homophobie et la transphobie, le racisme et les préjugés sociaux que l’on retrouve dans trop de sociétés. »

« SZEXE vise à contribuer à un mouvement féministe qui soit inclusif des besoins et des voix des femmes qui sont souvent laissées pour compte par les mouvements issus de la société civile et par les  politiques, comme c’est le cas par exemple des femmes trans*, des travailleuses du sexe et des migrantes.» - SZEXE


Visionnez le film "Sex Workers Against the Tide" (travailleuses-eurs du sexe à contre-courant),  en anglais, avec sous-titres hongrois.

 

Sex Work Activism in Hungary

Sex Work Activism in Hungary

In September 2015, the Association of Hungarian Sex Workers (SZEXE) celebrated 15 years of work in the struggle for sex worker rights, the protection of sex workers, and the dismantlement of stigma.


SZEXE was established by predominantly street-based Roma sex workers and their allies who joined together to protest the introduction of a law regulating sex work. This is often described as the beginning of sex work activism in Hungary.

‘Tolerance Zones’

The law SZEXE protested was “drafted in order to push sex workers, mainly of Roma origin, out of the Józsefváros, Budapest’s 8th district, so that it could undergo rehabilitation and properties could be privatised more easily.” According to this law, municipalities counting a population of more than 50,000 or areas where sex work is considered to be pervasive had to identify the so-called ‘tolerance zones’. It was declared illegal to engage in sex work outside of these specified zones, however Hungarian authorities were reluctant to identify these zones. This pushed a significant number of sex workers towards illegal activity with a large proportion of them being fined or detained.

To further aggravate the difficult position of sex workers, there was an antagonistic relationship with the police

“Sex workers fear the police rather than being able to depend on them for protection from violence or other crimes.” – SZEXE

Challenging Mistreatment

One of SZEXE’ priorities is to provide legal aid to sex workers, and the organisation has since its existence initiated numerous legal actions resulting in court orders for some districts of Budapest to “identify quasi-tolerance zones”. In spite of these orders, SZEXE has repeatedly witnessed and documented the mistreatment of sex workers by the police.

“Police took advantage of the lack of legal certainty surrounding these tolerance zones and unfairly targeted sex workers with fines in order to fill their quotas.” - SZEXE

In hundreds of cases, SZEXE has successfully challenged “the arbitrary fining and detention practices of the police.”

Since Hungary joined the EU in 2004, the association has also implemented innovative pioneering projects to “foster self-organisation of the community, to empower sex workers in providing HIV-related and paralegal services for their peers and become vocal advocates against marginalisation and poverty from grants of the European Social Fund”.

SZEXE also supports sex workers with peer education, migration counselling, community-based health services and entrepreneurial skills development, and has strengthened its national and international advocacy levels. As a result of its lobbying efforts and the production of a  shadow report, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) called on the Hungarian government to “adopt measures aimed at preventing discrimination against sex workers and ensure that legislation on their rights to safe working conditions is guaranteed at national and local levels”.

Hungary’s shrinking civil society

Despite battles won and numerous achievements so far, “the situation of sex workers and their mobilisation has worsened in recent years in Hungary”, according to SZEXE. As a result of the present right-wing government’s crackdown on civil society and specific NGOs, SZEXE is among the organisations that has lost “all major sources of domestic funding in a shrinking civil society space” whereas pro-government NGOs have been financed through a funding scheme to support ‘traditional family values and national identity building/strengthening’.

Another part of this worrying trend is a 2012 misdemeanour law, which has a disproportionate effect on marginalised  groups including the Roma population, homeless persons, drug users and sex workers. The law has led to discrimination and disproportionate policing of sex workers who face “fines for non-compliance with vague sex work regulations or arbitrary fines…”. SZEXE states that in 2012 alone, over 14,000 misdemeanor cases were initiated against sex workers. This situation is compounded by the fact that sex workers have been left even more vulnerable by the lack of government’s commitment to address their right to health.  

Inclusive movement(s)

In order to continue challenging discrimination, stigma and violation of human rights (not just in Hungary but globally), inclusive, diverse and strong movements must be built and sustained. SZEXE joined AWID as a member as a result of its participation in the 2012 AWID International Forum.

“The gathering was truly inspirational for SZEXE’s colleagues as it was the first time when they connected with the international feminist movement and learned about the – sometimes very similar – struggles of women worldwide.” – SZEXE

SZEXE’s participation in the Forum reinforced its awareness of the powerful possibilities of collective mobilisation within the global women’s rights movement(s). The organisation, “inspired by diverse voices and causes in the movement, speaks out against sexism, whorephobia, homophobia and transphobia, racism and classism present in too many societies.”

“SZEXE aims to contribute to a feminist movement that is inclusive of those women's needs and voices, who are often left behind by civil society groups and policy-making, for instance trans women, sex workers or migrants.” - SZEXE


Watch “Sex Workers Against the Tide” (Hungarian with English subtitles)

 

Topics
Sex work

Activismo por el trabajo sexual en Hungría

Activismo por el trabajo sexual en Hungría

En septiembre de 2015, la Asociación de Trabajadorxs Sexuales de Hungría (SZEXE en su idioma original) celebró sus 15 años de trabajo en la lucha por afirmar los derechos y proteger a lxs trabajadorxs sexuales, así como por desmantelar el estigma contra ellxs


A SZEXE la crearon trabajadorxs sexuales sobre todo romaníes que trabajaban en la calle y sus aliadas, que se unieron para protestar por la sanción de una ley regulando el trabajo sexual. Se considera que el activismo por el trabajo sexual en Hungría comenzó en ese momento.

‘Zonas de tolerancia' 

La ley contra la que protestó SZEXE fue «redactada para sacar a lxs trabajadorxs sexuales, sobre todo las de origen romaní, del octavo distrito de Budapest, Józsefváros, para poder mejorarlo y que resultara más fácil privatizar las propiedades en esa zona». Según esa ley, los municipios con más de 50 000 habitantes o con zonas con gran presencia de prostitución  tenían que definir las llamadas 'zonas de tolerancia'. Ejercer el trabajo sexual fuera de esas zonas específicas pasó a ser ilegal, pero las autoridades se resistieron a definir dichas zonas. El resultado de esto fue que la actividad de un número significativo de trabajadorxs sexuales pasó a ser ilegal y muchas de ellxs fueron multadxs o arrestadxs. 

La relación hostil que mantenían con la policía agravó aún más su situación:

 «Lxs trabajadorxs sexuales no recurren a la policía en busca de protección frente a la violencia o a otros delitos sino que le temen» – SZEXE

Enfrentándose al maltrato

Una de las prioridades de SZEXE es brindar ayuda legal a las trabajadorxs sexuales y desde su comienzo la organización ha iniciado muchas acciones legales que llevaron a varios distritos de Budapest a verse obligados a 'identificar zonas de casi-tolerancia'. Pese a estos veredictos, SZEXE ha presenciado y documentado numerosos incidentes de maltrato policial contra trabajadorxs sexuales.

«La policía aprovechó la falta de certeza jurídica en torno a las zonas de tolerancia y en forma injusta se dedicó a multar a trabajadorxs sexuales para cumplir con sus cuotas».- SZEXE

En cientos de casos, SZEXE ha logrado cuestionar «las multas y detenciones arbitrarias realizadas por la policía». 

Desde que Hungría se sumó a la Unión Europea en 2004, la asociación también comenzó a implementar proyectos pioneros e innovadores para «estimular procesos organizativos autónomos en la comunidad, empoderar a las trabajadorxs sexuales para que brinden servicios a sus pares en áreas como el VIH o como auxiliares jurídicas y hacer que se conviertan en defensoras activas frente a la marginación y la pobreza, todo esto con el apoyo del Fondo Social Europeo». 

SZEXE también apoya a las trabajadorxs sexuales brindándoles educación entre pares, consejerías para migrantes, servicios de salud comunitaria y capacitación como emprendedorxs. También ha fortalecido su incidencia a nivel nacional e internacional. Como producto de sus esfuerzos de lobby y del informe sombra que redactaron, el Comité para la Eliminación de la Discriminación contra la Mujer (CEDAW) consideró «preocupante la discriminación contra las trabajadorxs sexuales y la inexistencia en el Estado de medidas destinadas a garantizarles condiciones laborales seguras».

La reducción del espacio para la sociedad civil en Hungría

Pese a las batallas ganadas y los numerosos logros alcanzados hasta ahora, «la situación de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y su grado de movilización han empeorado en los últimos años en Hungría», según SZEXE. Como producto de la represión contra la sociedad civil que está llevando adelante el gobierno actual (de derecha), SZEXE es una de las organizaciones que han perdido «todas sus principales fuentes domésticas de financiamiento en un contexto donde se está reduciendo el espacio para la sociedad civil», mientras que a las ONG pro-gobierno se las financia a través de programas para apoyar «los valores tradicionales de la familia y la construcción /fortalecimiento de la identidad nacional». 

Otro aspecto de esta tendencia preocupante es la ley de contravenciones promulgada en 2012, que tuvo un efecto desproporcionado sobre los grupos marginados como la población romaní, las personas sin hogar, usuarias/os de drogas y trabajadorxs sexuales. Esa ley generó discriminación y una vigilancia policial desproporcionada sobre lxs trabajadorxs sexuales que «reciben multas por violar regulaciones formuladas en forma vaga acerca del trabajo sexual o directamente en forma arbitraria...». SZEXE afirma que solo en 2012 se iniciaron más de 14 000 causas por contravenciones contra trabajadorxs sexuales. Esta situación se agrava por el hecho de que la falta de compromiso gubernamental con su derecho a la salud las ha colocado en una posición aún más vulnerable.   

Movimiento(s) incluyente(s)    

Para continuar desafiando la discriminación, el estigma y las violaciones a los derechos humanos (no solo en Hungría sino en todo el mundo) es necesario construir y sostener movimientos incluyentes, diversos y fuertes. SZEXE se afilió a AWID tras participar en el Foro Internacional de AWID 2012

«Esa reunión constituyó una gran inspiración para las compañeras de SZEXE, que por primera vez se vincularon con el movimiento feminista internacional y conocieron las luchas de las mujeres en distintas partes del mundo, a veces muy similares a las suyas». – SZEXE

La participación de SZEXE en el Foro hizo que sus integrantes reforzaran su percepción acerca de las posibilidades de movilización colectiva dentro del movimiento (o los movimientos) mundial(es) por los derechos de las mujeres. «Inspiradas por la diversidad de voces y de causas en el movimiento, nuestra organización alza su voz contra el sexismo, la putafobia, la homofobia y la transfobia, el racismo y el odio de clase presentes en demasiadas sociedades».

«SZEXE quiere contribuir a un movimiento feminista que incluya las necesidades y voces de aquellas mujeres a las que los grupos de la sociedad civil y quienes formulan políticas muchas veces dejan de lado, como las mujeres trans*, trabajadoras sexuales o migrantes.»- SZEXE


Mira el video «Sex Workers Against the Tide» (en húngaro, con subtítulos en inglés)