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The “Where is the Money?” #WITM survey is now live! Dive in and share your experience with funding your organizing with feminists around the world.
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Around the world, feminist, women’s rights, and allied movements are confronting power and reimagining a politics of liberation. The contributions that fuel this work come in many forms, from financial and political resources to daily acts of resistance and survival.
AWID’s Resourcing Feminist Movements (RFM) Initiative shines a light on the current funding ecosystem, which range from self-generated models of resourcing to more formal funding streams.
Through our research and analysis, we examine how funding practices can better serve our movements. We critically explore the contradictions in “funding” social transformation, especially in the face of increasing political repression, anti-rights agendas, and rising corporate power. Above all, we build collective strategies that support thriving, robust, and resilient movements.
Create and amplify alternatives: We amplify funding practices that center activists’ own priorities and engage a diverse range of funders and activists in crafting new, dynamic models for resourcing feminist movements, particularly in the context of closing civil society space.
Build knowledge: We explore, exchange, and strengthen knowledge about how movements are attracting, organizing, and using the resources they need to accomplish meaningful change.
Advocate: We work in partnerships, such as the Count Me In! Consortium, to influence funding agendas and open space for feminist movements to be in direct dialogue to shift power and money.
AWID honors feminists and Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) who have died and whose contributions to the advancement of human rights are very much missed.
AWID’s WHRD Tribute is a photo exhibition featuring feminist, women’s rights and social justice activists from around the world who are no longer with us.
The Tribute was first launched in 2012, at AWID’s 12th International Forum, in Turkey. It took shape with a physical exhibit of portraits and biographies of feminists and activists who passed away. The initiative was described by Forum participants as being a unique, moving and energizing way to commemorate our collective history.
At the 13th International Forum in Brazil, we honored activists and WHRDs with a mural unveiling ceremony in four languages, a dance performance and a Brazilian ritual.
In between the events, the Tribute lives as an online gallery that is updated every year as part of the 16 Days Campaign Against Gender Based Violence (25 November – 10 December).
Since 2012, through our annual Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) no longer with us, over 400 feminists and WHRDs from 11 regions and 80 countries have been featured.
AWID would like to thank the families and organizations who shared their personal stories and contributed to this memorial. We join them in continuing the remarkable work of these women and forging efforts to ensure justice is achieved in cases that remain in impunity.
Visit the WHRD Tribute online exhibit
In addition to paying homage to these incredible activists, the Tribute particularly sheds light on the plight of WHRDs who have been assassinated or disappeared.
One third of those featured in the Tribute were activists who have been murdered or disappeared in suspicious circumstances. They were specifically targeted for who they were and the work they did to challenge:
Women like Agnes Torres, from Mexico, was killed because of her gender identity and sexual orientation; or Cheryl Ananayo, an environmental activist from the Philippines was assassinated as she struggled against a mining company; or Ruqia Hassan, a Syrian independent journalist and blogger killed for her criticism of ISIS. And so many others.
With the WHRD Tribute, we bring them all into our collective memory and carry their legacy of struggle as our torch in the feminists’ and women’s rights movements. We recognize that security, safety and self-care must be a priority in all our political agendas. And we call on to governments and international bodies to collectively address violence against feminists and WHRDs.
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”

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Huffington Post: Mort de Simone Veil: l'ancienne ministre de la Santé est décédée ce vendredi
Le Monde: Mort de Simone Veil, icône de la lutte pour les droits des femmes
Yes, we invite you to share more on issues that are important to you by responding to the open question(s) at the end of the survey.

Seul·es 18 % des trans et travestis en Argentine ont accès à un emploi formel.
In our 2015 Online Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders No Longer With Us we are commemorating four women from Sub-Saharan Africa, three of whom were murdered due to their work and/or who they were in their gender identity and sexual orientation. Their deaths highlight the violence LGBT persons often face in the region and across the globe. Please join AWID in honoring these women, their activism and legacy by sharing the memes below with your colleagues, networks and friends and by using the hashtags #WHRDTribute and #16Days.
Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file




She also served as an organiser of urban poor communities in Cebu Province, and worked with Desaparecidos, an organization of families of the disappeared.
Elisa and two of her colleagues were killed on November 28, 2017 by two unidentified men at Barangay San Ramon, Bayawan city in the Negros Oriental province during a mission to investigate alleged land rights abuses in the area.
She is survived by four children.
Los datos se procesarán para fines estadísticos y así arrojar luz sobre el estado de la dotación de recursos para los movimientos feministas de todo el mundo, y solo se exhibirán de forma desglosada. AWID no divulgará información acerca de ninguna organización en particular ni publicará información que permita identificar a una organización por su ubicación o características sin el consentimiento acreditado de dicha organización.

THE TRANS EMPLOYMENT QUOTA
sanctioned by law is not being respected by companies and employers
In 2013, we published three global reports. These reports confirm that women’s rights organizations are doing the heavy lifting to advance women’s rights and gender equality by using diverse, creative and long-term strategies, all while being underfunded.
Our 2010 global survey showed that the collective income of 740 women’s organizations around the world totaled only USD 104 million. Compare this with Greenpeace International, one organization with a 2010 budget of USD 310 million1. Imagine the impact these groups could have if they were able to access all the financial resources they need and more?
AWID’s WITM research has catalyzed increased funding for women’s rights organizing. WITM research was a driving force behind the Catapult crowdfunding platform, which has raised USD 6.5 million for women’s rights. The Dutch Government cited WITM research as a reason for its unprecedented MDG 3 Fund of EU 82 million. WITM research has also led to the creation of several new funds: FRIDA – The Young Feminist Fund, the Indigenous Women’s Fund, Fundo Elas, the Mediterranean Women’s Fund and the Rita Fund.
While the WITM research has shed important light on the global funding landscape, AWID and partners have identified the need to dig deeper, to analyze funding trends by region, population and issue. In response, organizations are now using AWID’s WITM research methodology to do their own funding trends analyses. For example, in November 2013, Kosova Women’s Network and Alter Habitus – Institute for Studies in Society and Culture published Where is the Money for Women’s Rights? A Kosovo Case Study.
At the same time, AWID continues to collaborate with partners in Where is the Money for Indigenous Women’s Rights (with International Indigenous Women’s Forum and International Funders for Indigenous Peoples) and our upcoming Where is the Money for Women’s Rights in Brazil? (with Fundo Elas).
Several organizations have also conducted their own independent funding trends research, deepening their understanding of the funding landscape and politics behind it. For example, the South Asian Women’s Fund was inspired by AWID’s WITM research to conduct funding trends reports for each country in South Asia, as well as a regional overview. Other examples of research outside of AWID include the collaboration between Open Society Foundations, Mama Cash, and the Red Umbrella Fund to produce the report Funding for Sex Workers Rights, and the first-ever survey on trans* and intersex funding by Global Action for Trans* Equality and American Jewish World Service.
Guadalupe fue una activista ambiental comprometida en la lucha contra el crimen en Cherán, México.
En abril de 2011 ayudó a derrocar el gobierno local, y participó en patrullas locales de seguridad, que abarcaban los bosques municipales. Era unx de lxs líderes indígenas de Cherán que llamaban a la población a defender sus bosques contra la tala forestal ilegal y despiadada. Su trabajo en defensa de adultxs mayores, niñxs y trabajadorxs la convirtió en un ícono de su comunidad.
Fue asesinada en Chilchota, México, aproximadamente 30 kilómetros al norte de su ciudad natal de Cherán.
Non. L’enquête s’appuie sur les 20 années de mobilisation de l’AWID dans l’objectif d’obtenir davantage de financement de meilleure qualité pour des changements sociaux menés par des féministes. Cette enquête est la troisième édition de la recherche Où est l’argent pour l’organisation des mouvements féministes? Notre objectif est de mener une enquête WITM tous les 3 ans.
“Mis sueños y objetivos siempre han sido los mismos que los de Lohana Berkins: que la cooperativa siga de pie y no cierre. Seguir dándole este lugar a nuestras compañeras travesti, darles trabajo y un lugar de apoyo”
Brisa Escobar,
presidenta de la Cooperativa
Now that you have analyzed all your data – from your survey, interviews, desk research and potentially other sources – you can create your final product.
In this section:
- Create your final product
1. Write clearly
2. Make it pretty- Gather review and inputs
1. Polish your results
2. Facilitate the feedback
Your final product will be the document that will summarize, analyze and criticize your data. That will be the piece that you will share with your community to present and explain your research to your audience.
At AWID, we often write a comprehensive written report that analyzes each set of data and synthesizes all of our findings, then later create smaller products, such as infographics and summaries (explained in the subsequent section “Finalize and format”).
Importance of the editor
An editor will proofread, ensure concise writing, conduct fact-checking, point out inconsistencies that need to be resolved, arrange the flow of the document and possibly suggest titles.
Your editor should preferably be someone who understands and knows your WITM work but who was not directly involved in the research. This will bring in a fresh perspective.
Use the data collected to create graphs and tables. These type of visuals are a compelling way to highlight the main findings of your research and validate your analysis.
Source relevant images that can illustrate your report.
Highlight key-numbers and/or powerful testimonials.
Remember: The more accessible your product is, the more people will want to read (and share!) it.
At this point, you have collected all your data, analyzed it and transformed it into your final product, likely in a long report.
Before moving on to the next steps – you should share your final research product with your advisor organizations, activists, and donors.
This is a great moment to check the following points:
Once you have inputted all feedback from your advisors, be sure to run it by your editor once more.
This will now be the final, completed version of your report. If you intend to publish the final report in other languages, now is the time to send it for translation.
This is a significant contribution from your advisors. Consider offering them some form of recognition.

• 2 - 5 months
• 1 or more research person(s)
• 1 Editor (or web-editor if you create an online product)
• Translator(s), if done in more than one language
• List of advisor organizations, activists, and donors.
• Concept note (from “Frame your research” section)
• Survey topline results
• Prepared interview questions
• Interview results
• Desk research data
• All other data used in report
Winnie a été décrite comme une « militante enflammée » qui a combattu le régime de l’apartheid en Afrique du Sud.
Son engagement lui a valu d’être emprisonnée et placée en cellule d’isolement de nombreuses fois.
Affectueusement surnommée Ma’Winnie, elle était connue pour être quelqu’un qui parlait ouvertement des défis auxquels les femmes noires étaient confrontées pendant et après l’apartheid et cela, après avoir elle-même subi ces brutalités en tant que mère, épouse et militante pendant la lutte. Elle a su transcender l'idée couramment répandue selon laquelle le leadership est fondé sur le genre, la classe ou la race. Bien qu’étant une personnalité controversée, elle était connue par son nom xhosa, « Nomzamo », qui signifie « celle qui supporte les épreuves ».
Ma’Winnie continue d’être une source d’inspiration pour de nombreuses personnes, en particulier des jeunes femmes sud-africaines.
Sa mort a impulsé la naissance d’un mouvement qui a pour mantra : « Elle n’est pas morte, elle s’est multipliée ».

En el contexto actual, hemos identificado cinco grandes amenazas para la lucha por economías feministas y justas.
«La financialización alude a la importancia creciente de los mercados financieros, los motivos financieros, las instituciones financieras y las elites financieras en el manejo de la economía y las instituciones que la rigen tanto a nivel nacional como internacional» - Gerald Epstein
Epstein Gerald A. 2006: Financialization and the World Economy. Edward Elgar Publishing.
Las instituciones financieras ejercen una fuerte influencia sobre la gobernabilidad económica y la dirección que toman las políticas para el desarrollo. La influencia cada vez más acentuada que tienen el sector corporativo y las instituciones financieras internacionales en la definición de políticas públicas locales y globales ha resultado en Estados cada vez más presos de los intereses del capital. El sistema financiero actual, con sus políticas controversiales de crédito y deuda, juega un rol fundamental para la reproducción y la expansión de los procesos de acumulación de capital.
Esto plantea preguntas importantes acerca de cómo regular y repensar el sistema financiero global, no solo para evitar las graves consecuencias negativas de las crisis causadas por las deudas sino también para permitir medios de vida sostenibles y la realización de los derechos económicos y sociales sin retrocesos.
(Para más detalles, ver el artículo de Balakrishnan y Heintz “Debt, Power, and Crisis: Social Stratification and the Inequitable Governance of Financial Markets”, en inglés [Deuda, poder y crisis: Estratificación social y la gobernabilidad inequitativa de los mercados financieros]
En estos últimos 20 años, los acuerdos comerciales (tanto bilaterales como multilaterales) han expandido su rol mostrando un interés cada vez mayor en el otorgamiento de derechos de propiedad intelectual a las corporaciones.
Estos derechos han beneficiado claramente a las corporaciones transnacionales afectando gravemente la posibilidad de que las naciones y pueblos más empobrecidos puedan realizar sus derechos humanos, en particular
Además, la liberalización de las importaciones agrícolas que resulta en una afluencia de bienes baratos pone en peligro a las mujeres campesinas que trabajan en forma autónoma en países empobrecidos y a la seguridad alimentaria de todxs. Las cláusulas de protección a las inversiones que forman parte de los acuerdos comerciales limitan el espacio político para que los gobiernos nacionales promulguen e implementen regulaciones en asuntos tan críticos como la protección ambiental, los derechos laborales y la duración de las patentes.
Los movimientos feministas han estado, y continúan estando, en la primera línea de resistencia a estos acuerdos, denunciando las trampas que encierran.
(Ver por ejemplo, las reacciones de movimientos sociales y redes feministas de todo el mundo frente a las negociaciones del Tratado Trastlántico de Comercio e Inversiones y del Acuerdo de Asociación Transpacífico)
La mercantilización de los recursos de la Tierra y sus consecuencias — la degradación ambiental y el cambio climático producidos por décadas de industrialización agresiva, despojo y extractivismo de los recursos mundiales — han dañado la biodiversidad y la resiliencia ecológica. Estos daños ya están amenazando la mera existencia de la sociedad humana.
La comunidad internacional no ha logrado enfrentar los patrones de producción y consumo que conforman la raíz misma de este problema. Lo que hicieron los gobiernos — con el apoyo de las grandes empresas a quienes les interesa obtener ganancias — fue optar por el enfoque de la «economía verde» que promueve las «tecnologías energéticamente eficientes» (como la energía nuclear, los biocombustibles, los organismos genéticamente modificados y la geoingeniería) y los esquemas de comercio de emisiones de dióxido de carbono como soluciones mágicas.
Si bien los procesos de apropiación de tierras y recursos no son algo nuevo -de hecho, han sido luchas centrales en la historia colonial- lo que sí es nuevo son los medios de avanzada por los cuales la tierra y los recursos naturales se están volviendo mercancías en nuevos mercados.
Las instituciones financieras internacionales desempeñan un rol central en promover la mercantilización de la tierra en los países en desarrollo. Estas instituciones financian reformas agrarias que les permiten a actores poderosos utilizar la tierra para ganancias especulativas a cambio de magras promesas de empleos y crecimiento. La apropiación de tierras tiene impactos negativos de gran alcance sobre el acceso de los pueblos a bienes y servicios esenciales, además de causar desplazamiento de poblaciones y degradación ambiental.
Quienes se están resistiendo a la apropiación de tierras, incluyendo a las defensoras de derechos humanos, se enfrentan todos los días a distintas formas de violencia que van desde las agresiones físicas a los abusos sexuales.
Esta base patriarcal tiene una hegemonía particular en los modelos neoliberales actuales.
Resulta evidente que la economía política y el desarrollo se vinculan de varias formas con la sexualidad y el género: pensemos en cómo define el capitalismo lo que se puede entender como 'trabajo' y cómo el valor de los seres humanos se define a partir de su productividad en el trabajo rentado.
En la mayoría de los casos, el lugar que ocupan las mujeres en la economía mundial continúa siendo el de trabajadoras explotadas por su género ya que su trabajo está devaluado en los empleos precarios, la subsistencia doméstica, la reproducción y la producción no remunerada en el hogar. Naturalizada como trabajo no remunerado de las mujeres, la labor que permtie la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo le provee un enorme subsidio al capitalismo a la vez que funciona como fuente de opresión y sometimiento de género.
Esta situación se ve agravada por el hecho de que cuando los mecanismos de protección social comienzan a debilitarse, se incrementa la carga laboral de las mujeres.
El fenómeno de la migración global que encarnan miles de refugiadxs económicxs que escapan de la pobreza que lxs oprime no es ajeno a las relaciones de poder entre los géneros que impone el capitalismo. Las remesas se convierten en una de las principales fuentes del financiación para el desarrollo de familias y comunidades, pero tienen un costo enorme para las mujeres migrantes que se esfuerzan por alcanzar un salario que les permita vivir en su nuevo país.
También estamos viendo cómo los sistemas patriarcales capitalistas están utilizando la violencia y la opresión para mantener su estatus quo. El alza del gasto mundial para sostener el militarismo y la violencia, perpretados ambos por actores estatales y no estatales, se vuelca cada vez más a controlar el disenso, los cuerpos y voces de las mujeres, así como a zanjar disputas económicas, políticas y sociales.
En todo el mundo, la violencia, el encarcelamiento y la discriminación afectan de manera desproporcionada a:
Para confrontar la violencia estructural y sus vínculos con el sistema global capitalista, se necesita un análisis interseccional que relacione entre sí el género, la raza, la etnia, la edad, la capacidad, la nacionalidad, la orientación sexual y la identidad de género entre otras categorías.
La profunda crisis de gobernabilidad mundial que vivimos también se expresa en los débiles acuerdos intergubernamentales a los que se logra llegar y que a menudo carecen de los mecanismos más básicos para la rendición de cuentas. El sistema multilateral que antes le fue útil a la gobernabilidad mundial no está logrando responder a las múltiples crisis actuales. El sistema mismo continúa siendo muy poco democrático, con las corporaciones adquiriendo cada vez más presencia y más poder ya que ocupan los espacios donde antes estaban los Estados.
Estas amenazas nos desafían a lxs feministas a repensar nuestro marco de referencias y nuestras estrategias. Y también a renovar y reactivar nuestro compromiso con la construcción de movimientos junto con otrxs por una economía justa.
Nos desafían a pensar agendas más amplias por las transformaciones socioeconómicas desde una perspectiva feminista, atendiendo a las realidades que viven la mayoría de lxs empobrecidxs. Ahora es el momento de lograr cambios por una economía justa y de hacerle frente a los desafíos sistémicos persistentes.
6 Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) across Western and Southeastern Europe have in their lifetime researched, campaigned, participated in and advanced peace and women’s rights movements be it through political and social activism or through dance. We are grateful for the legacy they have left. Please join AWID in honoring these women, their activism and legacy by sharing the memes below with your colleagues, networks and friends and by using the hashtags #WHRDTribute and #16Days.
Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file






We believe that the economy, the market, the financial system and the premises upon which they are built are critical areas of feminist struggle. Thus, our vision for a just economy goes beyond promoting women’s rights and empowerment in the market, to evaluating the role of gendered oppressions in shaping economic arrangements and transforming these to ensure gender and economic justice.
We are neither starting from zero, nor alone in this attempt to put forward feminist propositions for a just economy. Many of the propositions herein have been advanced or exist in practice within diverse communities challenging and resisting the mainstream market and growth-based economic systems.
It is also very important to note that there is growing awareness of the fact that micro solutions are not always the answer to macro problems, even if they represent important spaces for resistance and movement building and that there may be limitations to particular alternatives to address the injustices of the current capitalist system at a global scale.
However, feminist alternatives for a just economy are critical to create dents in the system and draw lessons for transformative systemic change. Here we cannot presume to offer a comprehensive nor a complete account on how to create a just feminist economic model, or even models. But we can, but rather draw from cross-movement dialogue with trade unions, environmental, rural and peasants movements, to articulate the propositions for the journey towards this vision.
The neoliberal model driving the global economy has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to address the root causes of poverty, inequalities, and exclusion. Neoliberalism, and has in fact contributed to the very creation and exacerbation of these injustices.
Characterized by globalisation, liberalization, privatisation, financialisation and conditional aid, mainstream development policies over the past 3 decades have wreaked havoc on livelihoods over the past 3 decades. These policies have also sustained a trajectory of deepening inequalities, gendered injustices, and environmental destruction that the world can no longer afford to endure.
While there are people those who assert that economic growth, facilitated by giving free reign to corporations and businesses, can sustain a tide that will (eventually) raise all boats.
However, the notion of development that has prevailed for the past decades, built for the most part upon the premise of limitless economic growth, is going through an ideological crisis.
The myth of economic growth as a panacea for our problems is being debunked.
Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.
When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.
We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.
The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.
At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’
Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.
As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.
In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.
To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.
The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.
In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.
Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.
When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.
Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.
However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.
On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”
The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”
Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”
Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA). Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.
One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.
Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.
While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.
[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues. Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.
[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.
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The menstrual cycle usually lasts between 27 and 30 days. During this time, the period itself would only go on for five to seven days. During the period, fatigue, mood swings, and cramps are the result of inflammation.
In traditional Javanese culture, this is the moment for women to rest and take care of themselves. During this moment, a woman would take Kunyit Asam, a jamu or herbal drink to soothe the inflammation. This elixir consists of turmeric and tamarind boiled together in a pot.
I still remember my first period - it was one day before graduation day in elementary school. I remember pedaling my bike feeling something warm running between my thighs. When I arrived home I did all I could to clean myself and then put on a menstrual pad. My mother came home from work about four hours later. I told her what had happened. She looked me in the eye and asked how I felt. I told her that it was painful, that my body was swollen in every place. Then she asked me to go with her to the backyard. I followed her to our little jungle, my mother sat down on the soil and smiled.
“See this slender leaf? This is the leaf of Kunyit, *empon-empon that leaves the yellow stain on your fingers. What’s most important is not the leaf, but the roots. You dig the soil and slowly grab the roots.”, my mother showed me how to pick Kunyit or Turmeric roots. Then we went to the kitchen where she boiled water along with some tamarind. While waiting for it to boil, she showed me how to wash and grate the orangey-yellow root. Then, we put the grated turmeric into the boiling tamarind water. “Tomorrow, you can make it for yourself. This will help you to feel better!”.
I remember the first time I tasted it - a slightly bitter taste but also sour. My mother always served it warm. She would also put some in a big bottle which I would place on my stomach or lower back for further relief. For days after, my mother’s hands and mine were yellow. My friends could always tell every time I got period because my hands would be yellow.
A year after my first period, I found out that you could get the bottled version in convenience stores. Still, I made my own Kunyit Asam every time I had my period because the one in the convenience stores was cold. It did not smell of wet soil and warm kitchen.
Fast forward, I am a 26 year old woman who casually makes this drink for friends when they have their periods. I’ve made some for my housemates and I’ve delivered some for friends who live in different towns. I do not grow turmeric roots in my garden, but I have grown and shared the love from my mom. What was once from garden to cup is now from *pasar to cup.
A couple of days ago, I asked my mother who taught her how to make the jamu.
“Who else? Yang Ti*! Your grandmother was not just a teacher”, said my mom. I was never close to my grandmother. She passed away when I was eight. All I knew from my mom was that she was a math teacher who had to teach courses after work. I had this image of my grandmother as a hard worker who was kind of distant with her children. My mom did not disagree with that but explained it came from her survival instinct as a mother. “She tried to make time. She tried. She taught me how to make jamu so I could take care of myself and my sisters”.
My mother is the second child out of seven, six of whom are girls. The reason my grandmother taught her is so that all of her children could take care of each other. While my mother was taught how to make the drink, my mother’s older sister was taught how to plant turmeric. Yang Ti knew which one loved the smell of soil more and which one loved the smell of the kitchen. My mother was the latter. She learned how to plant from my aunt, her older sister.
My grandfather worked in a bank but he got laid off when he was in his 40s. So, my grandmother had to do a side-hustle to support their children. My mother was in high school at that time when Yang Ti woke her and her older sister up at dawn. “Would you help me to pick some roots?”. Of course nobody said no. Especially if it was your mother, especially if you were born in Javanese culture where saying “no” sounded like a bad word. Together, the three of them went to the backyard, and they harvested empon - empon, rhizome, that was buried inside the soil. She grew many kinds of rhizome; temu lawak, temu putih, ginger, galangal, kunci, kencur, and kunyit. That was the day where my mother realized that her mother was never far away from her.
That was the day where she could spend more time with her mother. There, in the garden. There, in the kitchen.
“We’re sending these for Ibu Darti, the lady who lives across the river. Kunyit Asam for her and her daughters.”, said my grandmother to my mother and my aunt that day. They poured the Turmeric-Tamarind warm drink into a tall thermos and later my grandmother would deliver it on the way to school.
Over time, my grandmother got more orders for jamu. Everybody in the family helped her to make and deliver her jamu. The small business lasted only a few years, but that was what paid for my mother and her siblings’ education.
Today, my mother, who got laid off just a few days before I wrote this piece, harvested Turmeric and other roots. She’s making her Turmeric Tamarind drink from her kitchen.
My phone rang in the middle of this afternoon, a couple minutes after I boiled the rest of my grated turmeric. Today is one day after my period.
“Ingka, have you washed your pot after boiling those turmeric? It would forever be yellow if you don’t wash it right away!”
*empon-empon = roots like ginger, turmeric, etc. coming from the Javanese word “Empu” which means, something or someone that has deep knowledge.
*jamu = Indonesia’s traditional elixir made of roots, barks, flowers, seeds, leaves, and fruits.
*Yang Ti = Javanese term for grandmother, taken from the term “Eyang Putri” the female you look up to.
*pasar = the word for traditional market in Indonesian.
The more women support other women, the quicker we’ll see progress. Together we are stronger and make even more impact.

Curated by Jess X. Snow With assistance from Kamee Abrahamian and Zoraida Ingles
Across Asia and the Pacific, and all of it’s vast diaspora, fierce women and trans folks have been fighting for a future where they can all be free. As rising sea levels threaten the Pacific islands, and the coasts of continental Asia, the fight to protect other Earth and the Ocean intensifies all over the globe. Our planet stores a geologic memory of everything that it has experienced. The rise of colonization, industrialization, and environmental destruction is connected to the rise of the binary patriarchal nation state. The power within the Earth, to reincarnate, heal, and bloom in the face of violence, must then be connected to the woman, to motherhood, to indigeneity and all forces that are expansive, sacred and queer. It is no coincidence that Feminist Realities unite the fight to protect the rights of women, trans and LGBTQ+ people with the fight to protect the Earth. From mother-daughter protectors of Mauna Kea in the Kingdom of Hawaii, to the complex mother-child relationships of Vietnamese refugees, to queer sexual awakenings in conservative India, the reclaimation of home in Inner Mongolia, to the struggle toward LGBTQ liberation in the Phillipines -- this collection of films is a cosmology of the ways current-day Asian Pacific women and queer and trans folks champion the journey to our collective liberation across oceans and borders.
All of these films have a strong sense of place: indigenous activists protect their sacred lands, youth peel back colonial narratives of their homeland to uncover hidden truths, complex motherhood and relations of care are explored, and characters turn to their own bodies and sexuality as sanctuary when the family and city that surrounds them threaten their safety.
By Jess X. Snow
“A haunting film with stunning shots invoking feminist environmental resistance and how deeply rooted this is in connection to cultural history and land…”
- Jessica Horn, PanAfrican feminst strategist, writer and co-creator of the temple of her skin
In the experimental documentary, Afterearth, four women fight to preserve the volcano, ocean, land and air for future generations. Through music, poetry, and heartfelt testimonial that honors locations touched by the Pacific Ocean–Hawaiʻi, the Philippines, China, and North America, Afterearth is a poetic meditation on four women’s intergenerational and feminist relationship to the lands and plants they come from.
By Jalena Keane Lee
In Standing Above the Clouds, Native Hawaiian mother-daughter activists stand together to protect their sacred mountain, Mauna Kea from being used as a site to build one of the world’s largest telescopes. As protectors of Mauna Kea, this film highlights the interconnected relationship between Aloha ʻĀina (love of the land) and love for one’s elders and the future generations to come.
By Quyên Nguyen-Le
In the experimental narrative short, Nước (Water/Homeland) a Vietnamese-American genderqueer teen challenges dominant narratives of the Vietnam War in Los Angeles, California. Through striking dream sequences and breaks from reality, this film follows their journey to piece together and understand their mother's experience as a Vietnam War refugee.
By Kimi Lee
In Kama’āina, a queer sixteen-year-old girl must navigate life on the streets in Oahu, until she eventually finds refuge by way of guidance from an auntie at Pu’uhonua o Wai’anae–Hawaiʻi’s largest organized homeless encampment.
By Karishma Dev Dube
In Devi (goddess in Hindi) a young closeted lesbian, Tara risks both family and tradition to embrace her attraction to her family’s maid. Set in New Delhi, Devi is a coming of age story, as it is a commentary on the social and class lines that divide women in contemporary India today.
By Yuan Yuan
In Heading South, Chasuna, an 8 year old girl, raised by her mother in the Inner Mongolian Plateau, visits her abusive father in the big city. While at her father’s house, she is introduced to a new addition to the family, and must come to terms with the fact that her true home is inseparable from her mother and land.
By Johnny Symons & S. Leo Chiang
In the feature film, Outrun, we follow the journey of the first transgender woman in the Philippine Congress. Facing oppression in a predominantly Catholic nation, her triumphant journey becomes an outcry for the rights of LGBTQ+ people globally.
Spanning documentary, narrative, and experimental forms, these films illustrate that community care, self-love, and deep transformative listening between our loved ones is a portal to the Feminist Realities we are bringing into existence today. From all across the Asia Pacific and it’s diaspora, these stories teach us that in the face of violence, tenderness is the sharpest force of resistance.
Watch our conversation with the filmmakers
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Twitter ENG: @awid
Twitter ES: @awid_es
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LinkedIn: Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID)
ترجمة رولا علاء الدين
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جوريما آراوْخو، معلّمة وشاعرة من ريو دي جانيرو. ساهمت في مجلة Urbana التي حرّرها الشاعران برازيل باريتو وسامارال، وفي كتاب Amor e outras revoluções “الحب والثورات الأخرى” مع العديد من الكتّاب الآخرين. بالتعاون مع أنجليكا فيراريس وفابيانا بيريرا، شاركت في تحرير O livro negro dos sentidos “الكتاب الأسود للحواس”، وهو مختارات إبداعية عن الحياة الجنسية للمرأة السوداء في البرازيل. جوريما عمرها 54 سنة. لديها ابنة وثلاثة كلاب وقطة والعديد من الأصدقاء. |

مَن يودّ المصّ معي؟المانغو هي الثمرة المفضّلة عندي. |
يومَ دعتني أنجليكا وفابي لأكون القَيِّمة على تشكيلة نصوص شبقية من تحرير نسوة سود لم أكن أعرف ما يعنيه عملُ القيِّم. الشبق ومشتقاته، هذه فهمتها جيداً، لكن عمل القَيِّم... ابتسمت تحت وطأة الخجل والإطراء. أظن أنّي شكرتهما، على الأقلّ آمل أنّي شكرتهما، وقلت في ذاتي: ماذا تعني هذه الكلمة اللعينة؟! حسناً، سأضطر إلى سَبر معاني هذا اللقب المُبهرَج وأنا أطبّقه.
اليوم، أنا على دراية بما يعينه عمل القيِّم. هو بمثابة ممارسة الحبّ مع نصوص شخصٍ آخر، مع فنّ شخصٍ آخر، بغية تجميع كتاب وتنظيمه. وهذا تماماً ما قمت به. عرّيت بشهوانية أدبية كلّ نصّ لكلٍّ من الكاتبات. تعمّقت في كلمات وحواس الآخرين. ولَجَتني قصائدُ لم أكتبها. حكايات ما كنت لأجرؤ على تخيّلها قلبتني رأساً على عقب وأربكت مشاعري وعبثت بشهوتي الجنسية. وكانت نشوةٌ رائعة وفريدة: سماويّة وجسمانيّة وسامية في آنٍ واحد، فكريّة وحسّيّة.
تنبض هذه النصوص كالبظر المنتصب رغبةً، رطبةٌ، ينسال منها الفرح مع كلّ قراءة. كلمات ابتلعتني بإيحاءتها اللعوبة، تأخذني أعمق فأعمق في هذا العالم الرّطب.
غطست هذه النسوة السود إلى قعرِ هَيْجِهنّ وحوّلن أعمق تخيّلاتهنّ الشبقيّة إلى فنٍّ.

أُخْصِبَت هذه الأعمال بأسلوبِ كلٍّ من الكاتبات الخاصّ في التجربة الجنسانية، بحريّة، بسوداوية، بأنفسنا، بطريقتنا الخاصّة، بتمكّن.
اخترت أن أوزّع هذه النصوص في مختلف أجزاء الكتاب ونظّمتها بحسب محتواها الأكثر رقّة أو انفعالية أو بديهية أو ضمنيّة.
استهلالاً لهذا «اللبّ الأسود المفترج»، تأتي أقسام ’التمهيدات‘ (Preliminaries) بنصوصها التي تقدّم لمحةً للقرّاء عن عالم الأطايب هذا، وهي بمثابة لمسَة شاملة رقيقة تُعرِّف بالمواضيع التي تطرحها النصوص في باقي الكتاب.
يلي ذلك لهيبُ ’اللمس‘ (Touch) وهو جزءٌ يُعنى بكلّ ما تشعر به البشرة. تلك الطاقة التي تحرق أو تُثلِج أجسادنا، التي تفجّر هُرموناتنا وتوقظ حواسنا الأخرى. صحيحٌ أنّ كثيرين بيننا يستمتعون بشهوة التلصُّص، لكنّ ملامسة البشرة بالفم الدافئ والرّطب مثيرٌ، وهو كالتطواف في نعومة الآخر. تُغرينا اللمسة اللطيفة أو الحازمة وتجتاحنا القشعريرة، وذلك التوتّر الجميل الذي يسري من العنق إلى الظهر ولا يختفي إلا اليومَ التالي. ودفء الشفاه والفم واللسان الرّطب على البشرة، آه من حلاوة لسانٍ ينساب داخل الأذن، أو احتكاك الجلد بالجلد، والملابس تتموّج على الجسد وكأنّها امتدادٌ لليدّ. ولمّا يكون التروّي جزءاً من المتعة، وتعصف بك الإثارة بفعل قبضة مُحْكَمة وبعضٍ من الألم – أو الكثير منه، من يدري؟
أمّا ’الصوت‘ (Sound) – أو اللحن؟ – فيبيّن لنا أنّ الانجذاب يحصل أيضاً عبر حاسّة السمع: صوت الشخص، الهمسات، الموسيقى التي تشعل التواصل بين جسدٍ وآخر وقد تمسي محورَ الرغبة. فبالنسبة لبعضٍ منّا، لا يتطلّب الأمر إلّا الأوتار الصوتية لشخصٍ ذي صوتٍ جميل، فذاك الصوت الأجشّ أو العميق أو الرخيم يكون كممارسة الجنس سمعياً. أن نسمع سِبابَهم الصارخ أو كلامهم المعسول همساً في الأذن يكفي لتجتاحنا قشعريرة الإثارة من الرأس إلى أخمص القدميْن.
في ’المذاق‘ (Flavor)، نأتي إلى اللسان وهو الخبير في استكشاف الخبايا يجول هائماً على جسد الآخر ويتلذّذ. وأحياناً يُقحَم اللسان قحماً لتذوُّق رحيق الآخر. فكرة أن يُشاركنا أحدٌ فراولته أو مانغته الشهيّة الملأى، بالعضّ واللحس، أو اللحس ثم العضّ، فكرةٌ كفيلة بإذابتنا. لكن لا شيء يعلو على حلاوة تذوُّق جسد الآخر بكهوفه وتلاله. إقحامُ اللسان في العمق لتذوُّق الثمرة، أو قضاءُ ساعاتٍ في تذوُّق رأس القضيب في الفم، أو رضعُ ثدي شهيّ لتذوُّق الحلمة... كلّها أفعال تسعى إلى حفظ ’مذاق‘ الآخر في الذاكرة.
نجد أيضاً نصوصاً تصف كيف تُستثار الرغبة عبر الأنف. ’الرائحة‘ (Smell)، أعزائي القرّاء، قد توقظ فينا شهوات الرغبة. أحياناً نلتقي شخصاً رائحته عبقة لدرجة أننا نودّ التهامه بأنفنا. يريد الأنف أن يجول في أنحاء الجسد ويبدأ من العنق وآهٍ من الرعشة الحلوة التي تصيبنا وتعرّي الروح! يقلّ حياء الأنف فيتعمَّق ويلفّ حول العنق ليلتقط عَبَق رائحة الآخر فيحفظها. وفي غياب هذا الشخص، إن إلتقط الأنف رائحة شبيهة يحضر الشخص في ذاكرتنا، أو إن استحضرته الذاكرة تجتاحنا الرائحة والإثارة.
نصل إلى ’النظر‘ (Look)، وهو برأيي غدّار الحواس، ومن خلاله ندرك الرغبة من وجهة «نظر». هنا النصوص تصف الرغبة والإثارة عبر حاسة النظر التي توقظ باقي الحواس. أحياناً، ابتسامةٌ تكفي لِنُصاب بالجنون. تبادُل النظرات؟ تلك النظرة التي تقول «أريدك الآن». نظرة التملّك تلك التي لا تنكسر إلا مع انتهاء المضاجعة، وقد تدوم بعدها. هذه نظرة فريدة من نوعها، تجذب الآخر فيعجز عن إشاحة نظره لوقتٍ طويل. والنظرات المُسترَقة حيث يشيح واحدٌ بنظره ما أن يلتفت إليه الآخر كأنّهما في مطاردة كالقط والفأر. وما أن تلتقي الأعين وينفضح أمرنا جُلّ ما يمكننا فعله هو أن تنفرج أساريرنا بابتسامة فاغرة.

ختاماً، يأتي الانفجار في جزء ’الحواس كافة‘ (All Senses) حيث النصوص تمزج المشاعر لتبدو كحالة تأهّب لنصل إلى اللذة القصوى، إلى النشوة.
طبعاً، لا شيء يفصل بوضوح بين هذه القصائد والحكايات. بعضها رقيقٌ بتلميحه. الإثارة تُشغِل الحواس كافّة، والأهمّ أنّها تُشغِل الرأس، فهُنا مقام كلّ ما يحدث والجسد بكامله يستجيب. لقد نظَّمتُ القصائد وفقاً لما أثارته فيّ عند قراءتها، ولكم الحريّة في مخالفة رأيي هذا. لكن بالنسبة لي، الرغبة تنبع من حاسّة معيّنة ومن ثم تنفجر، وثمّة لذّة في تتبّع مسار الرغبة وتحديد أيٍّ من الحواس استقلّت.
إنّ القدرة على تحويل الإثارة إلى فنّ تعني تحرير أنفسِنا من الأحكام المسبقة والسجون ووصمات العار كلّها التي حبَسَنا فيها هذا المجتمع المُتمَحوِر حول العرق الأبيض.
كلّما تقوم كاتبة سوداء بتحويل الشبقيّ إلى فنّ فهي تخلع السلاسل العنصرية المؤذية التي تشلّ جسدها وتقمع جنسانيتها وتجعل منّا غرضاً لجشع الآخرين. إنّ كتابة الشعر الشبقيّ هي استعادة لسلطتها على جسدها وهي التنقّل بلا خوف بين ملذّات الرغبة من أجل ذاتها ومن أجل الآخرين ومن أجل الحياة.
الكتابات الأدبية الشبقيّة هي نحن عندما نتّخذ الشكل الفنّي. الشكل الذي يتيح لنا إظهار أفضل ما لدينا وآرائنا في الحبّ الملأى لذّة والمتبّلة بشهوة أجسادنا والتي تُترجَم عبر وَعْينا الفنّي. نحن متنوّعات، وهنا نشارككم هذا التنوّع في الأحاسيس عبر الكلمات المُشبَعَة إثارة. صحيح، حتّى كلماتنا ترشَح برغبتنا الجنسية وترطّب آياتنا وتجعل من شهواتنا قصائدَ. النشوة، بالنسبة لنا، إنجاز.
أن تكون عقولنا وأجسادنا وجنسانياتنا سوداء هو أمرٌ ضروري لاستئناف لذّتنا واستعادة نشوتنا. عندها فحسب نصير أحراراً. هذه العملية برمّتها إنجازٌ وهي لا تخلو من الألم. لكنّه من المفرح أن نجد أنفسنا في مكان مختلف جداً عن حيث تمّ وضعنا.
أشعر أنّي لكنّ/لكم، أنّي لنا. تذوّقوا هذه الكلمات العذبة معنا، تلذّذوا بها، ولْتَكُن وليمة.
هذا النص مقتبس من مقدمة كتاب «O Livro Negro Dos Sentidos» وهي تشكيلة قصائد شبقيّة لثلاثٍ وعشرين كاتبة سوداء.

This journal edition in partnership with Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research, will explore feminist solutions, proposals and realities for transforming our current world, our bodies and our sexualities.

نصدر النسخة هذه من المجلة بالشراكة مع «كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد والجندر»، وسنستكشف عبرها الحلول والاقتراحات وأنواع الواقع النسوية لتغيير عالمنا الحالي وكذلك أجسادنا وجنسانياتنا.
By Nkhensani Manabe
The conversation title "Pansexual, Gynasexual or Abrosexual? A dive into queerness, pleasure and sex positivity" gives one much to think about. Tiffany Kagure Mugo, author, educator and curator of HOLAAfrica, begins the discussion with a reading from Touch, a recently published collection of fiction and non-fiction essays on sex, sexuality and pleasure. In this excerpt, the author puts forward the idea that pleasure is constant and ongoing, it is to be found in everyday activities and is not confined to sexual intercourse.
This idea, that pleasure is as much a part of daily life as anything else, runs through the discussion, which also covers topics of desire, attraction and sexual orientation.

Early on, there is this sense of hope and possibility. Tiffany presents options and explains alternatives, giving us new language to speak about who we are, what we like, and how we want it. This is about desire and sex, but mostly it is about self-knowledge and empowerment. Tiffany speaks passionately about making decisions from a place of power: learning your own identity so that you are able to make the best choices for yourself.
In a conversation that is open and free, representing the attitude that Tiffany would have us all adopt, we learn that knowledge about sex and sexuality is ever-changing, the boundaries are shifting. What we may have learned or, more importantly, been kept away from as children or adults is exactly where we should start unlearning and reprogramming. Tiffany notes that young people these days need tools to understand the experiences they are already having, a reminder to never underestimate what children and teenagers know about the kind of pleasure(s) they want to pursue in life.
The conversation opened my mind to something: knowing myself will help to build my confidence; I will be able to approach relationships with care not only for myself but for others, too. Learning the language of orientation, attraction, desire and pleasure will go towards deepening my future connections. I appreciated the space to think about this aspect of my life -- the private, intimate parts that I don’t access often. Tiffany’s enthusiasm about pleasure and identity pushed my own boundaries, allowing me to entertain new personal possibilities.
The idea of learning how to make holistic connections is still not common. Largely, we live in a culture of instant and fleeting connections. There is hardly any time to truly reflect on how and why we are seeking relationship or partnership -- at least, not until a moment of crisis.
Of course, there are selected spaces that welcome questions and discussions, such as the AWID Crear Résister Transform Festival and other free-thinking online platforms or publications -- but access to information from a helpful, non-judgemental source is something people are still trying to figure out. This may be in part because people are not confident in the language of sexuality and pleasure.

The notion of language and tools repeats itself throughout Tiffany’s presentation. Tiffany and her colleagues are doing the work of talking, teaching and nurturing. Seeing what people need, where they are, what they want for themselves, and walking alongside them as they build their ideal worlds. Giving them new words and definitions to help give shape to their identities at different stages of their lives.
These are the kinds of conversations that are necessary, even in a society that has myriad healthcare messages broadcast with varying degrees of details at any given moment. Sometimes people need to be brought back from the big picture moments and encouraged to learn about their individual opinions and desires. This is what Tiffany’s talk does: it gives people a space in the larger puzzle.
Sexual -- as in, the express desire to have intercourse with a person or people
Sensual -- the desire to touch a person or people, to be physically close without necessarily including intercourse
Romantic -- the desire to date or be in a relationship with a person or people
Platonic -- the desire to build close friendships
Aesthetic -- the desire to look at and be pleased by the appearance of a person or people
These five types or levels of attraction offer a shorthand for desire and pleasure, and help to contextualise the different kinds of pleasure people can experience.
Thinking of attraction beyond the physical or sexual offers a new perspective on connection. It is a chance to take the pressure off relationships, which opens up opportunities for different, more enlightened and fulfilling partnerships.
This freedom and knowledge that Tiffany presents is a roadmap to the future. The presentation offered a new perspective on what is possible.
As the opening excerpt states, pleasure is ongoing. In light of Tiffany’s discussion, it is also clear that it is dynamic and exciting. There is always more to know.
This may be daunting at first, but on the other side of hesitation is hope, potential and freedom.