
Losana McGowan

Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.
Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.
WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation. Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.
AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.
"Women Human Rights Defenders confronting extractive industries: an overview of critical risks and Human Rights obligations" is a policy report with a gender perspective. It analyses forms of violations and types of perpetrators, quotes relevant human rights obligations and includes policy recommendations to states, corporations, civil society and donors.
"Weaving resistance through action: Strategies of Women Human Rights Defenders confronting extractive industries" is a practical guide outlining creative and deliberate forms of action, successful tactics and inspiring stories of resistance.
The video “Defending people and planet: Women confronting extractive industries” puts courageous WHRDs from Africa, Asia, and Latin America in the spotlight. They share their struggles for land and life, and speak to the risks and challenges they face in their activism.
Challenging corporate power: Struggles for women’s rights, economic and gender justice is a research paper outlining the impacts of corporate power and offering insights into strategies of resistance.
AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!
يمكنكم/ن حفظ اجوبتكم/ن والعودة للاستطلاع متى أردتم/ن ذلك. KOBO بحفظ مسودات إجاباتك في الزاوية العلوية اليسرى من صفحة الاستطلاع وإعادة تحميل سجلك عند العودة إلى الاستطلاع.
El hogar de Esther Mwikali estaba en la aldea de Mithini, en el condado de Murang'a, Kenya. Esther fue una defensora del derecho a la tierra destacada y valorada que investigó los abusos contra okupas de tierras reclamadas por magnates. La investigación de la que participó Esther incluyó también violaciones del derecho a la tierra cometidas por personas con poder en Makuyu.
Luego de que Esther faltara a una de las reuniones de la aldea, un grupo de búsqueda salió a rastrear a Esther. El 27 de agosto de 2019, dos días después de su desaparición, el cuerpo de Esther fue encontrado en una granja cerca de su casa, con signos de tortura. Esther había sido brutalmente asesinada.
"El trabajo de Esther por evitar el desalojo de lxs integrantes de las comunidades de las tierras reclamadas por magnates era conocido por todxs. Para lxs activistas locales no existía ninguna duda de que su asesinato estaba relacionado con las luchas en la zona por el acceso a la tierra; un trágico recordatorio de la alarmante frecuencia con que se llevan a cabo las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Kenia."- Global Wittness Report, Julio 2020
"Asociamos la muerte de Mwikali con las luchas locales por el derecho a la tierra, y exigimos al Gobierno que investigue el asunto sin demora." - James Mburu, portavoz de lxs okupas.
"Es necesario tomar medidas con respecto a las personas que presuntamente han amenazado a lxs ocupantes ilegales, incluida la familia de Mwikali". - Alice Karanja, Coalición Nacional de Defensorxs de Derechos Humanos
"El impacto de su trabajo y su tenacidad permanecerán vivos en Kenia durante décadas. El CJGEA consuela a las personas afligidas y pide justicia". - Comunicado de prensa del Centro para la Justicia y la Acción Gubernamental (CJGEA, por sus siglas en inglés), 13 de septiembre de 2019
When you do a search for “Female Genital Mutilation” or “FGM” online, an image of four line-drawings of the female anatomy pop up next to its Wikipedia entry. It illustrates four types of violence. The first being a partial cut to the clitoris. The second, a more invasive cut with the entire clitoris removed. The third is progressively worse with the removal of the clitoris, labia majora and minora. And the fourth box illustrates a series of hash marks to symbolize stitches over the vaginal opening to allow only for urination and menstruation.
As a survivor of FGM, most questions about my story fixate on the physical. The first question I usually get asked is what type of FGM I underwent. When I told a journalist once that I went through Type 1, she said “oh, that’s not so bad. It’s not like type three which is far worse.” She was technically right. I had the least invasive form. And for many years, I gaslighted myself into feeling a sense of relief that I was one of the lucky ones. I comforted myself noting that I could have been less fortunate with all of my genitalia gouged out, not just the clitoral tip. Or worse I could have been one of the ones who didn’t survive at all. Like Nada Hassan Abdel-Maqsoud, a twelve year old, who bled to death on a doctor’s operating table earlier this year in Upper Egypt. Nada is a reminder to me that for every data point -- 200 million women and girls who live with the consequences of FGM globally -- there is a story. Nada will never be able to tell hers.
As much as I find the label “survivor” suffocating at times -- I also realize there is privilege embedded in the word. By surviving, you are alive. You have the ability to tell your story, process the trauma, activate others in your community and gain insights and a new language and lens to see yourself through.
The act of storytelling can be cathartic and liberating, but it can also shatter the storyteller in the process.
Without integrating the psychosocial support of trained clinicians into storytelling and healing retreats, well-intentioned interventions can result in more trauma. This is all the more important as FGM survivors navigate the double pandemic of their own PTSD from childhood trauma, and the indefinite COVID-19 global shutdown.
In many anti-FGM advocacy spaces, I have seen this insatiable hunger to unearth stories -- whatever the cost to the storyteller. The stories help activate funding and serve as a data point
for measuring impact.
Survivor stories then become commodities fueling a storytelling industrial complex. Storytellers, if not provided proper mental health support in the process, can become collateral damage.
My motivation in writing this piece is to flip the script on how we view FGM survivors, prioritizing the storyteller over the story itself.
FGM survivors are more than the four boxes describing how the pieces of our anatomy were cut, pricked, carved, or gouged out. In this essay, I’ll break down the anatomy of an FGM survivor’s story into four parts: stories that break, stories that remake, stories that heal, and stories that reveal.
I was sitting in the heart of Appalachia with a group of FGM survivors, meeting many for the first time. As they shared their traumas, I realized we all belonged in some way or another to the same unenviable club. A white Christian survivor from Kentucky - who I don’t think I would have ever met if we didn’t have FGM survivorship connecting us - told the contours of her story.
There were so many parallels. We were both cut at seven. She was bribed with cake after her cut. I was bribed with a jumbo-sized Toblerone chocolate bar when mine was over. Absorbing her trauma overwhelmed me. And I imagine when I shared my story, others in the circle may also have been silently unraveling. We didn’t have a clinician or mental health professional in a facilitation role and that absence was felt. The first night, I was sharing a room with six other survivors and tried hard to keep the sounds of my own tears muffled. By the last day, I reached breaking point. Before leaving for the airport, my stomach contracted and I convulsively vomited. I felt like I was purging not only my pain, but the pain of the others I’d absorbed that week. We all dutifully produced our stories into 90 second social media friendly soundbites with narration and photos. But at what cost?
On February 6, 2016, the Guardian published my story as a survivor. The second it was released, I was remade. My identity transformed from nondescript, relatively invisible mid-level Foreign Service Officer to FGM survivor under a public microscope. That same day, then-U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power tweeted my story with the introduction: “I was seven years old” before linking to the article. The tweet symbolized a moment for me where my personal and professional worlds collided. Since then, they have been forever intertwined.
Even though I spent ten years of my career as a diplomat focused on other issues -- I lived in Cairo during the early days of the Arab Spring in 2011 and served in Baghdad and Erbil when the Syrian revolution turned from an uprising to civil war -- all of those past experiences that began to make mefeel erased. When I spoke on panels, my identity would be reduced to “survivor.” Like other survivors, I have worked hard to rewrite the script on how others see me.
I reinsert pieces of my other identities when speaking to underscore to the broader public that while yes, I am a survivor of childhood trauma and while my FGM story may have remade a part of my identity, it doesn’t define me.
With the guidance of a mental health expert, I have spent the last few months doing a deep dive into my FGM survivor story. I have told and retold my story over dozens of times in public venues. My goal is to break the culture of silence and inspire action. At this point, the telling of my story has almost become mechanized, as though I am reciting a verse from the Quran I memorized as a kid. I would always start with: “I was sitting an anthropology class when a fellow student described her research project on Female Genital Mutilation. And that’s when I had the memory jolt. A memory I had suppressed since childhood came flooding to the foreground.” I go into the details of what happened in granular detail -- the color of the floor, the feelings of confusion and betrayal in the hazy aftermath. And then I go on to talk about the afternoon I confronted my mother about the summer she and my father shipped my brother and off to India to stay with my aunt. The summer it happened. I later found out my aunt cut me without my parents’ consent. In my years of telling and retelling this story, I would have moments I felt nothing, moments I would break down, and moments of relief. It was a mixed bag, often contradictory emotions happening all at once.
When I began to take apart the story, I discovered the core moment where I felt most gutted. It wasn’t the cut itself. It was the aftermath. I remember sitting in a corner alone, feeling confused and ashamed. When I looked at my aunt on the other side of the room, she was whispering to my cousin and they both pointed and laughed at me. Unearthing the moment of shame - the laughter - has haunted me since childhood. The piece that was carved out of me is called “haram ki boti” which translates into sinful flesh. Over time, the physical scar healed. But for many FGM survivors, the psychological wounds remain
Last year, I decided to take a sabbatical from the Foreign Service. I was burning out on both ends -- I had just completed a really tough assignment in Pakistan and was also doing anti-FGM
advocacy in my personal capacity. When I came home, an acquaintance from graduate school approached me to capture my story on film. As part of the process, she would send a camera
crew to shadow me. Sometimes while giving speeches, other times filming mundane interactions with friends and family. On a visit to my home in Texas, I’ll never forget the moment where my mom told me her story of survival. As part of the film, we went on a roadtrip to Austin to visit the university where I first had the memory jolt. My mom is patiently waiting for the cameraman to set up his tripod. My father is standing next to her.
In the end, we eventually had the conversation I never had the courage to have with either of my parents face to face. Looking them both in the eye, retelling my story with a camera as witness, we discussed how FGM ripped our family apart (specifically my dad’s relationship with his sister). For the first time, I heard my mom talking about her own experience and the feeling of betrayal when she discovered my aunt cut me without her consent. When I later told her that FGM was actually indigenous to the U.S. and Europe and that it was a cure for hysteria (prescribed by doctors) up until the 19th century, my mother exclaimed “that’s crazy to me, this was a cure for hysteria. I’m going to educate other doctors to speak out.” And in that moment, my mother, a survivor who had never shared her story before, became an activist.
My story, intertwined with her story, revealed a tightly woven fabric of resistance. With our voices, we were able to break the cycle of intergenerational structural violence. We were able to rewrite the stories of future generations of girls in our own family and hopefully one day, the world.
This is a woman breaking free from her mundane reality, devoid of color. She dreams in a colorful, "nonsensical" way that people in her life would not understand. She could be considered insane, yet her dreams are more vivid and imaginative than actual life. This is frequently how schizophrenia occurs to me, more engaging and exciting than real life.
< United against the violence, by Karina Ocampo
Freeing the Church, Decolonizing the Bible for West Papuan Women, by Rode Wanimbo >
Sindicato OTRAS
Creemos que para que los movimientos feministas sean transformadores y sólidos debemos seguir trabajando en nuestras similitudes y diferencias. También debemos cuestionar el poder y los privilegios, tanto dentro como fuera de nuestros movimientos.
Нет, не является. Он основан на 20-летней истории AWID по мобилизации более объемного и качественного финансирования для социальных изменений под руководством феминисток(-ов) и является третьим этапом исследования «Где деньги для феминистских организаций?». Наша цель – проводить опрос «Где деньги?» каждые 3 года.
« Je n’y connais pas grand-chose sur la spiritualité ou sur ce qui se passe lorsqu’on meurt, mais ma vie de queer crip coréenne me laisse penser que notre esprit corporel terrestre n’est qu’une petite partie du tout. En ne considérant pas nos ancêtres, nous choisissons de ne voir qu’un aperçu de qui nous sommes. » - Stacey Park Milbern
Stacey a cofondé avec quelques ami·e·s le club de culture sur la justice liée au handicap, un groupe de travail en soutien aux diverses communautés, notamment les plus vulnérables, aidant entre autres les personnes sans-abri à accéder aux ressources durant la pandémie de COVID-19.
Elle a également coproduit une campagne impactante pour le documentaire « Crip Camp » de Netflix. Elle était membre du conseil d’administration de la WITH Foundation et a dirigé plusieurs organisations aux niveaux local, régional et national. Stacey écrivait joliment et vigoureusement :
« Mes ancêtres sont des personnes déchirées de leurs amours par la guerre et les déplacements. C’est grâce à elleux que je connais le pouvoir de construire un foyer avec tout ce que l’on trouve, peu importe l’endroit et les personnes qui sont avec nous. Mes ancêtres sont des queers qui vivaient au Sud américain. Grâce à elleux, j’ai compris l’importance des relations, des lieux et d’une vie vécue en grand, même lorsque cela peut être dangereux. Tou·te·s mes ancêtres connaissent le désir. Ce désir est souvent notre espace de connexion... » - Stacey Park Milbern
Elle est née à Séoul, en Corée, a grandi en Caroline du Nord et continué son parcours dans la région de la baie de San Francisco. Stacey est décédée à la suite de complications chirurgicales le jour de son 33ème anniversaire, le 19 mai 2020.
Lisez un essai écrit par Stacey Park Milbern (en anglais)
Écoutez un entretien avec Stacey Park Milbern (en anglais)
#StaceyTaughtUs : enregistrez votre histoire pour le projet Disability Visibility
« Beaucoup de gens le diraient : c’était une leader. Elle couvrait tous les aspects de ce rôle. Vous savez, parfois il y a des conduites de premier rang, de milieu ou de l’arrière. Et elle était d’une certaine façon capable de mener tous ces rangs. » - Andraéa LaVant, activiste pour les droits des personnes handicapées
« Perdre Stacey au moment où nos communautés ont le plus besoin de son leadership est une réelle épreuve, surtout dans un contexte où sa force, sa vision et son cran étaient de plus en plus reconnus dans des milieux autres que ceux du handicap, lui offrant des leviers plus importants pour faire progresser le travail de toute une vie… Nous n’aurons pas la chance de savoir où son leadership charismatique nous aurait mené·e·s. Mais une chose est sûre : ce que Stacey nous a donné, en un temps relativement court, continuera de bénéficier à d’autres dans les prochaines années. » - Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund (Fonds de défense et d’éducation sur les droits liés au handicap)
Welcome to Crear | Résister | Transform: a festival for feminist movements!
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Linda Porn is yet another heroine of feminist union organizing and sex worker activism nationally (in Spain) and transnationally.
Originally from Mexico, she has been living in Spain since the 2000s. She is a sex worker, an activist, a single mother and a multidisciplinary artist. Drawing from these different identities, she uses performance, video art and theater to vizibilize struggles at the intersections of transfeminism, sex work, migration, colonialism and motherhood.
She combines art and sex work while caring for her daughter as a single mother.
Linda also belongs to sex workers collectives that fight for their rights, such as the OTRAS union and CATS Murcia. She also co-founded the group 'Madrecitas' - that visibilises and denounces racist institutional violence against migrant families. Violence to which she and her daughter were subjected as a sex worker and migrant single mother.
You can follow her art work here.
The AWID Forum will be organized around 6 interconnected topics. These ‘anchors’ center feminist realities.
La communauté AWID est une plateforme en ligne de réseautage social conçue tout spécialement pour l’AWID. Espace féministe ayant vocation à connecter, résister et célébrer, c’est un endroit où les conversations féministes critiques, le pouvoir et la puissance du collectif et la solidarité sont à l’œuvre. Cet espace est également ouvert pour dialoguer après les différents événements, pour penser, assimiler, digérer les apprentissages politiques difficiles, et pour prendre soin de la communauté.
Devenez membre de l’AWID pour pouvoir faire partie de la Communauté AWID dès aujourd’hui.
Bien plus de la moitié de la population mondiale est aujourd’hui dirigée par l’extrême droite. C’est sur cette toile de fond que défenseur·e·s des droits humains et féministes luttent pour « tenir bon », protéger le multilatéralisme et le système international des droits humains, alors que leurs engagements les exposent à de violentes répressions. Ces institutions sont cependant de plus en plus soumises aux intérêts du secteur privé. Les grandes entreprises, surtout les sociétés transnationales, siègent à la table des négociations et occupent des fonctions de leadership dans plusieurs institutions multilatérales, l’ONU notamment. Le lien entre ultranationalisme, restriction de l’espace civique et emprise des entreprises a un impact considérable sur la réalisation ou non des droits humains pour tout le monde.