Across the globe, feminist, women’s rights and gender justice defenders are challenging the agendas of fascist and fundamentalist actors. These oppressive forces target women, persons who are non-conforming in their gender identity, expression and/or sexual orientation, and other oppressed communities.
Discriminatory ideologies are undermining and co-opting our human rights systems and standards, with the aim of making rights the preserve of only certain groups. In the face of this, the Advancing Universal Rights and Justice (AURJ) initiative promotes the universality of rights - the foundational principle that human rights belong to everyone, no matter who they are, without exception.
We create space for feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to recognize, strategize and take collective action to counter the influence and impact of anti-rights actors. We also seek to advance women’s rights and feminist frameworks, norms and proposals, and to protect and promote the universality of rights.
Related content
Reporters without Borders: India: Prominent woman journalist gunned down in Bangalore
BBC: Gauri Lankesh: Indian journalist shot dead in Bangalore
Committee to Protect Journalists: Gauri Lankesh Killed
BBC: Gauri Lankesh: Murdered Indian journalist in her own words
The Guardian: The murder of journalist Gauri Lankesh shows India descending into violence
Financial Times - Gauri Lankesh, journalist and activist, 1962-2017
The New York Times: Why was Gauri Lankesh killed?
Despite their rigidity in matters of doctrine and worldview, anti-rights actors have demonstrated an openness to building new kinds of strategic alliances, to new organizing techniques, and to new forms of rhetoric. As a result, their power in international spaces has increased.
There has been a notable evolution in the strategies of ultra conservative actors operating at this level. They do not only attempt to tinker at the edges of agreements and block certain language, but to transform the framework conceptually and develop alternative standards and norms, and avenues for influence.
Ultra conservative actors work to create and sustain their relationships with State delegates through regular training opportunities - such as the yearly Global Family Policy Forum - and targeted training materials.
These regular trainings and resources systematically brief delegates on talking points and negotiating techniques to further collaboration towards anti-rights objectives in the human rights system. Delegates also receive curated compilations of ‘consensus language’ and references to pseudo-scientific or statistical information to bolster their arguments.
The consolidated transmission of these messages explains in part why State delegates who take ultra-conservative positions in international human rights debates frequently do so in contradiction with their own domestic legislation and policies.
Anti-rights actors’ regional and international web of meetings help create closer links between ultra conservative Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), States and State blocs, and powerful intergovernmental bodies. The yearly international World Congress of Families is one key example.
These convenings reinforce personal connections and strategic alliances, a key element for building and sustaining movements. They facilitate transnational, trans-religious and dynamic relationship-building around shared issues and interests, which leads to a more proactive approach and more holistic sets of asks at the international policy level on the part of anti-rights actors.
States and State blocs have historically sought to undermine international consensus or national accountability under international human rights norms through reservations to human rights agreements, threatening the universal applicability of human rights.
The Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has received by far the most reservations, most of which are based on alleged conflict with religious law. It is well-established international human rights law that evocations of tradition, culture or religion cannot justify violations of human rights, and many reservations to CEDAW are invalid as they are “incompatible with the object and purpose” of CEDAW. Nevertheless, reference to these reservations is continually used by States to dodge their human rights responsibilities.
‘Reservations’ to UN documents and agreements that are not formal treaties - such as Human Rights Council and General Assembly resolutions - are also on the rise.
In an alarming development, regressive actors at the UN have begun to co-opt existing rights standards and campaign to develop agreed language that is deeply anti-rights.
The aim is to create and then propagate language in international human rights spaces that validates patriarchal, hierarchical, discriminatory, and culturally relativist norms.
One step towards this end is the drafting of declarative texts, such as the World Family Declaration and the San Jose Articles, that pose as soft human rights law. Sign-ons are gathered from multiple civil society, state, and institutional actors; and they are then used a basis for advocacy and lobbying.
As part of a strategic shift towards the use of non-religious discourses, anti-rights actors have significantly invested in their own ‘social science’ think tanks. Given oxygen by the growing conservative media, materials from these think tanks are then widely disseminated by conservative civil society groups. The same materials are used as the basis for advocacy at the international human rights level.
While the goals and motivation of conservative actors derive from their extreme interpretations of religion, culture, and tradition, such regressive arguments are often reinforced through studies that claim intellectual authority. A counter-discourse is thus produced through a heady mix of traditionalist doctrine and social science.
This is one of the most effective strategies employed by the religious right and represents a major investment in the future of anti-rights organizing.
Youth recruitment and leadership development, starting at the local level with churches and campuses, are a priority for many conservative actors engaged at the international policy level.
This strategy has allowed for infiltration of youth-specific spaces at the United Nations, including at the Commission on the Status of Women, and creates a strong counterpoint to progressive youth networks and organizations.
When it comes to authoritative expert mechanisms like the UN Special Procedures and Treaty Monitoring Bodies and operative bodies like the UN agencies, regressive groups realize their potential for influence is much lower than with political mechanisms[1].
In response, anti-rights groups spread the idea that UN agencies are ‘overstepping their mandate,’ that the CEDAW Committee and other Treaty Bodies have no authority to interpret their treaties, or that Special Procedures are partisan experts working outside of their mandate. Anti-rights groups have also successfully lobbied for the defunding of agencies such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
This invalidation of UN mechanisms gives fuel to state impunity. Governments, when under international scrutiny, can defend their action on the basis that the reviewing mechanism is itself faulty or overreaching.
Conservative non-state actors increasingly invest in social media and other online platforms to promote their activities, campaign, and widely share information from international human rights spaces.
The Spanish organization CitizenGo, for example, markets itself as the conservative version of Change.org, spearheading petitions and letter-writing campaigns. One recent petition, opposing the establishment of a UN international day on safe abortion, gathered over 172,000 signatures.
By understanding the strategies employed by anti-rights actors, we can be more effective in countering them.
[1] The fora that are state-led, like the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and UN conferences like the Commission on the Status of Women and the Commission on Population and Development
Gender Impact Investing (GII) is now trending as a solution to gender inequality. Yet, as our report indicates, it is actually part of the problem. Public and private institutions marketing GII equate it with promotion of gender equality and with increased resources for women and girls.
Rather, GII is another expression of subjecting our lives and societies to the same financial logic that has shaped, and continues shaping, the profound inequalities in our world.
With this report, AWID offers the readers - feminists, gender justice advocates and stakeholders in gender impact investing - a critical analysis and substantiated evidence to understand GII, its narratives, and economic and political implications for feminist movements.
Este modelo económico explota desenfrenadamente la naturaleza e intensifica las desigualdades norte, donde sus grandes corporaciones se benefician y sur, de donde extraen los recursos.
Lee nuestro reporte de INDUSTRIAS EXTRACTIVAS
Hay alternativas sostenibles para el medioambiente y los derechos humanos de la mujer. Empecemos por conseguir un tratado vinculante para que las corporaciones extractivas nos respeten.
Every three to four years, AWID hosts its flagship international event. It is the world’s largest event that wholeheartedly centers feminist and gender justice movements in all their diversity. It is a global gathering of feminist activists, allied movements, scholars, funders and policymakers. The Forums rotate between different regions and countries in the global South.
“Lord, we are unworthy. We are the ones who committed sin for Eve ate the fruit in Eden. We are just women who grow sweet potatoes, look after pigs and give birth to children. We believe you died on the cross to set us free. Thank you, In Jesus’s name Amen.”
This is a typical prayer of women I have heard during my visits to ministries in several villages. Even I said the same prayer for many years.
I was born and grew up in Agamua, the Central Highlands of West Papua. My father belongs to the Lani tribe and my mother comes from Walak.
In Lani and Walak languages - languages spoken in the Central Highlands - tiru means a pillar. There are four tiru (pillars) standing firmly in the middle of the Lani roundhouse (honai), around wun’awe or a furnace. Tiru is always made of the strongest type of wood called a’pe (ironwood tree). The longer the wood gets heated and smoked from the fire in the honai, the stronger it becomes. Without tiru, the honai cannot stand firm. West Papuan women are these tiru.
West Papua is located in the western part of the New Guinea island, containing some of the world’s highest mountains, densest jungle, and richest mineral resources. It is home to over 250 groups and has an incredible biodiversity. Due to its natural wealth, West Papua has, over the centuries, been targeted by foreign occupiers. Until 1963, we were colonized by the Dutch. However in 1969, after a manipulative political act, we were transferred from the Dutch to Indonesia.
The first German missionaries arrived in Mansinam Island, Manokwari, in 1855. Then, in the 1950s, Christianity was brought to the Central Highlands of West Papua by Protestant missionaries of European descent from America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.
According to Scripture in Genesis 1: 26-27, Man and Woman are created in the image of God. It means all humanity is made with the call and capacity to exercise dominion. Radah, the Hebrew word for dominion, means stewardship. Radah is not a call to exercise imperial power as declared by Pope Nicolas V, granting Catholic nations the right to “discover” and claim dominion over non-Christian lands. To diminish the capacity of humans to exercise dominion, is to diminish the image of God on earth (Lisa Sharon Harper, The Very Good Gospel).
The Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI) was established as an institution in 1963. In the Sunday Service liturgy of GIDI, Women are considered unworthy to take any responsibility except collecting offerings. In 2003, after 40 years, the Department of Women was introduced within the structure of the Synod leadership.
In November 2013, I was entrusted to be a chairperson of the Women’s Department of the GIDI Synod.
Together with several other women leaders, we started a cell group that is committed to “decolonizing the Bible.” We learn together how to reconstruct the interpretation of biblical texts to champion women.
A feminist theologian named Elisabeth S Florenza calls it a feminist hermeneutic theory (Josina Wospakrik, Biblical Interpretation and Marginalization of Woman in the Churches of West Papua).
Besides the cell group, we interview our elderly women to collect our ancestors’ wisdom and values. As Bernard Narakobi in his book The Melanesian Way said: “Our history did not begin with contact with the Western explorers. Our civilization did not start with the coming of the Christian missionaries. Because we have an ancient civilization. It is important for us to give proper dignity and place to our history”.
Yum is a knotted net or woven bag handmade from wood fiber or leaves. Yum is highly valued for it symbolizes life and hope. When women of Lani and Walak get married, our maternal aunts put yum on our heads. It means we bear the responsibility for giving life and for providing food. Yum is used to carry garden produce as well as being used as a container to put a baby to sleep in as it gives warmth and a sense of security.
“West Papuan Women are Yum and Tiru” became the prime references as we contextualized women in the eyes of Jesus Christ in seminar and focus group discussions. From 2013 to 2018, we focused on reconstructing the view of women in GIDI and in gaining a healthy self-image. We are still in the process of understanding who we are to Jesus, rather than who we have been told we are by theologians and the fathers of the early Churches. Josina Wospakrik, a West Papuan Theologian said “The Gospel is incredibly rich but it was impoverished due to human ambitions and agendas.”
Since 2018, the GIDI Women Leadership team and I have formulated four priority programs: Decolonizing the Bible, Storytelling in a circle, Training of trainers for Literacy and Gender. The fourth, supported simple bookkeeping and savings groups workshops facilitated by Yapelin and Yasumat, which are faith based organizations established by GIDI leaders to reach the economic, social and health needs of women in the communities.
In this programme we create a safe space for women to talk - each woman has a story. We all sit together and learn how to be good listeners.
“I became Christian and was taught that the government is God’s representative. Why did the government do nothing when the army burnt down my village and killed my relatives?” asked one woman in the storytelling circle. “My aunt was raped.” She stopped for a while. Could not talk. She cried. We all did.
The process of storytelling has driven us into deep conversation. We began to contextualize Biblical texts within our daily realities.
We started asking questions amongst ourselves: Where is God in our toughest times? Does the state government truly represent God on earth? Why does the Creator allow privileged people to destroy His own image in the name of Christianity and Development? During the process, I realized that I have been reading the Bible using somebody else’s glasses.
The church has to be a safe place to share stories and be a place of comfort to be still and rest. As we reflect on the testimonies, those who tell their stories begin the process of recovering from wounds and trauma.
Culturally, West Papuans invest in relationships. The concept of saving is understood as an investment in relations, not in a bank account. And while the Indonesian central government has granted special autonomy to respond to West Papuans’ demand for self-determination, many government policies harm the quality of family life and they do not account for women’s lives. High illiteracy rates amongst women mean most women do not have access to a bank account. With no money saved, access to medical services becomes a struggle.
Through the priority programmes, Yapelin, with the active involvement and support of women, created saving groups in Bokondini and Jayapura. The saving groups are chaired by women who have access to a bank.
In coordination with Yayasan Bethany Indonesia (YBI) and Yayasan Suluh, a faith-based organization (FBO) based in Jayapura, we facilitated four literacy workshops. The literacy team facilitated the training of trainers in three different dioceses: Merauke, Sentani, and Benawa. We now have 30 facilitators in different congregations who run literacy programs.
Lack of financial support for our programs will not stop us. Being stigmatized as rebels will not stop us from standing up and speaking in church evaluation meetings and conferences. It is stressful but I am committed together with several women leaders to calling on the power-holders within to free the church.
The Gospel known as Good News should become news that liberates women from a very patriarchal circle of power, liberates women from social stigma and returns women to the original purpose of The Creator.
The Gospel must be a mirror to reflect who we are collectively. As Lisa Sharon Harper, in her book The Very Good Gospel said “The Gospel is not only about an individual’s reconciliation with God, self and communities. But also speaks on systemic justice, peace between people groups and freedom for the oppressed”.
Rode Wanimbo is the chairperson of the Women’s Department of Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI).
Coming from a place of healing and self-care is a political act that guides us to be focused and to move as one. In New Orleans, we created and will be creating altars in honour of those murdered by police and white supremacists vigilantes!
< Anatomy of a Survivor's Story
Mona was an economist and an independent consultant on gender and development issues.
She was a former Professor of Economics and Director of the Institute for Women's Studies in the Arab World at the Lebanese American University.
She passed away suddenly on January 6, 2018.
Friends and former colleagues say of Mona: “When we celebrate her life, the best thing we can do is commit to continuing what she started: gender equality no matter what.”
We believe so! It is still very early in the planning process, so please stay tuned as plans are forming.
Colectivo Moriviví is an all women artistic collective. Our artistic production consists of muralism, community-led muralism, and protest performance/actions. Our work is about democratizing art and bringing the narratives of Puerto Rican communities to the public sphere to create spaces in which they are validated. We believe that through artivism we can promote consciousness on social issues and strengthen our collective memory.
As part of their participation in AWID’s Artist Working Group, Colectivo Morivivi gathered a diverse group of members, partners and staff to facilitate a collaborative process of dreaming into, informing, and deciding on the content for a community mural through a multi-stage co-creation process. The project began with a remote conceptualization with feminists from different parts of the planet brought together by AWID, and then it evolved to its re-contextualization and realization in Puerto Rico. We were honored to have the input of local artists Las Nietas de Nonó(@lasnietasdenono), the participation of local women in the Community Painting Session, the logistics support from the Municipality of Caguas, and FRIDA Young Feminist Fund’s additional support to the collective.
The mural explores the transcendence of borders by presenting bodies like a map, in an embrace that highlights the intersection of the different feminist manifestations, practices and realities.
We also thank Kelvin Rodríguez, who documented and captured the different stages of this project in Puerto Rico:
Juana was an Indigenous Mayan Ixil, professional nurse and coordinator of the Farmers’ Development Committee (Comité de Desarrollo Campesino – CODECA).
CODECA is a human rights organisation of Indigenous farmers dedicated to promoting land rights and rural development for Indigenous families) in the Nebaj Quiché micro-region. She first joined CODECA as a member of its youth branch (Juventud de CODECA). At the time of her death had been elected to be part of the Executive Committee of the Movement for the Liberation of Peoples (MLP).
Juana’s body was found by neighbours by a small river on the road near Nebaj and Acambalam Village, Guatemala. According to CODECA, her body showed signs of torture.
ترجمة مارينا سمير
 |
أكوسوا هانسون، فنانة وناشطة مقيمة في أكرا في غانا. تشمل أعمالها على ميادين الإذاعة والتلفزيون ووسائل الإعلام المطبوعة والمسرح والأفلام ومعارض القصص المصورة والأعمال الفنية ثُلاثية الأبعاد والروايات المصورة. تتمحور نشاطية أكوسوا حول قضايا الوحدة الأفريقية والنسوية، مع اهتمام خاص بتقاطع الفن مع الثقافة الشعبية والنشاطية. حائزة على ماجستير في الفلسفة في الدراسات الأفريقية، مع التركيز على الدراسات الجندرية والفكر الفلسفي الأفريقي. أكوسوا مبتكرة مود جيرلز، وهي سلسلة روايات مصورة، تتابع مغامرات أربعة أبطال خارقين يقاتلون من أجل إفريقيا خالية من الفساد والاستعمار الجديد والأصولية الدينية، وثقافة الاغتصاب ورهاب المثلية الجنسية وغير ذلك. تعمل كمذيعة في Y 107.9 FM، غانا. |
في هذه الرسومات، تنخرط فتاة القمر وادجيت في ممارسة حميمية مع شيطان ثنائي الجندر. من بين فتيات القمر الأربعة، وادجيت هي المُعالِجة والفيلسوفة ووسيطة العرّافة. هي تقوم بذلك من أجل إطلاق عملية علمية وروحية، تُطلِق عليها تسمية «الاستنارة بضوء البدر». خلال هذه العملية، تشكّل تسلسلاً زمنياً حيّاً بين ذكرياتها وحواسها ومشاعرها ورؤاها وخيالاتها. إنّها أحد أشكال السفر عبر الزمن من خلال الذبذبات، من أجل اكتشاف ما تُسميه «تجلّيات الحقيقة». أثناء التجربة، تتضمّن إحدى رؤى وادجيت الضبابية اقتراب نهاية العالم نتيجة تدمير الناس للبيئة في خدمة الرأسمالية الشرهة؛ وذكرى طفولة حول دخول المستشفى بعد التشخيص بمرض نفسي؛ ورؤية لأصل قصّة فتيات القمر يظهر فيها الرمز التوراتي نوح، كفتاة قمر سوداء من عصر قديم تحذّر من أخطار التلوث البيئي.
تمتدّ ممارسات الـ»بي دي إس إم» إلى أبعد من كونها كينك مرح يقود لاستكشافات حسّية، فبإمكانها أن تكون طريقة للتعامل مع الألم العاطفي والصدمات. لقد كانت وسيلةً للتعافي الجنسي بالنسبة لي، بتقديمها نمط للتحرّر الجذري. تطهيرٌ ما، يحدث، عند وقوع ألمٍ مادّي على الجسد. يقع هذا الألم في وجود تراضٍ، فيستخرج ألمًا عاطفيًا، كما لو كان «يستدعيه». نزول السوط على جسدي يسمح لي بتحرير مشاعر مكبوتة: توتّر، اكتئاب، شعوري بغياب دفاعاتي في وجه ضغوطاتٍ تُغرقني أحيانًا. عند الانخراط في الـ»بي دي إس إم» كسبيل للتعافي، على العشّاق أن يتعلّموا كيف يكونون شديدي الوعي ببعضهم البعض، ومسؤولين عن بعضهم البعض. فحتى لو كانت الموافقة قد أُعطيت في البداية، علينا أن نكون منتبهين لأيّ تغيّرات قد تطرأ أثناء الممارسة، خاصةً مع احتدام المشاعر. أتعامل مع الـ»بي دي إس إم» بفهمٍ لأنه ينبغي أن يكون الحبّ والتعاطف أساسًا لعملية الاستسلام للألم، وبذلك أخلق مساحة أو أنفتح للحبّ.
إن الاهتمام برعاية ما بعد وقوع الألم يُعَدّ استكمالًا للعملية. يمكن لذلك أن يحدث بطُرُقٍ بسيطة جدًا مثل الاحتضان، التأكّد ممّا إذا كان الآخر يرغب في شرب الماء، مشاهدة فيلمٍ معًا، مشاركة عناق أو حتى مشاركة سيجارة حشيش. يمكن لهذه الرعاية أن تمتثل لأيّ ما كانت عليه لغة حبّك المُختارة. مع إدراك أنّ جروحًا قد فُتِحَت، تُعَدّ هذه المساحة من الاحتواء ضرورية من أجل استكمال عملية التعافي. إنّه أكبر درسٍ في ممارسة التعاطف وتعلّم كيف تحتوي شريكك/ شريكتك حقًا، نظرًا لحساسية تمييع الحدود الفاصلة بين الألم والمتعة. بهذه الطريقة، يصبح الـ»بي دي إس إم» أحد أشكال أعمال الرعاية بالنسبة لي.
بعد ممارسة جنسية فيها ممارسات «بي دي إس إم»، أشعر بصفاء ذهني وهدوء يَضَعاني في مساحة إبداعية عظيمة ويمكّناني روحيًا. مشاهدة الألم يتحوّل آنيّاً لشيء آخر هي أشبه بتجربة سحرية. وبالمثل، تجربة الـ»بي دي إس إم» المحرِّرة على المستوى الشخصي تسمح لوادجيت بالوصول إلى المعرفة المُسبَقة والحكمة والصفاء الذهني مما يساعدها في واجباتها كفتاة قمر في مواجهة الأبوية الأفريقية.
وُلِدَت «فتيات القمر» أثناء عملي كمديرة لـ»دراما كوينز»، وهي منظمة فنّية شبابية ناشطة في غانا. منذ تأسيسنا في 2016، استخدمنا وسائط فنّية مختلفة كجزءٍ من عملنا الناشطي النسوي والبيئي والعموم- أفريقي. استخدمنا الشِعر والقصص القصيرة والمسرح والأفلام والموسيقى لمناقشة قضايا مثل الفساد والأبوية والتدهور البيئي ورهاب المثلية الجنسية. ناقَشَت أعمالنا المسرحية الافتتاحية مثل «خَيّاطة شارع سان فرانسيس» و»حتى يفيق أحدهم» مشكلة ثقافة الاغتصاب في مجتمعاتنا. كما يُزعم أن «مثلنا تمامًا» كانت من أوائل الانتاجات المسرحية في غانا التي تناقش بشكل مباشر قضية رهاب المثلية الجنسية المتغلغلة في البلد. كما ساهمت «جامعات غانا الكويرية»، وهي ورشة لصناعة الأفلام الكويرية لتدريب صنّاع الأفلام الأفارقة، في تدريب صنّاع أفلام من غانا ونيجيريا وجنوب أفريقيا وأوغاندا. وعُرِضَت الأفلام المصنوعة في الورشة في مهرجانات، مثل فيلم «فتاة رضيعة: قصة شخص بيني الجنس». ولذلك، فإنّ الانتقال إلى وسيط الروايات المصوّرة هو تطوّر طبيعي.
منذ حوالي سبع سنوات، بدأتُ بكتابة رواية لم أكملها أبدًا عن حياة أربع نساء. في عام 2018، فتحت «مبادرة المجتمع المفتوح لغرب إفريقيا» (OSIWA) فرصة مِنحة أطلقت إنتاج المشروع وتحوّلت روايتي غير المكتملة إلى فتيات القمر. هناك جزءان من فتيات القمر، يتكوّن كلّ منهما من ستّة فصول. الكُتّاب والمحرّرون المساهمون في الموسم الأول هم سوهايدا دراماني، وتسيدي كان تاماكلوي، وجورج هانسون، ووانلوف كوبولور. كتّاب الموسم الثاني هم يابا أرما ونادية أهيدجو وأنا. قام الفنان الغاني كيسوا وستوديو «أنيماكس إف واي بي»، وهو ستوديو رسوم متحرّكة وتصميمات وتأثيرات بصرية، بالرسوم التوضيحية للشخصيات وصياغتها مفاهيميًا.
لقد كانت كتابة فتيات القمر، بين 2018 و2022، عملَ حبٍّ بالنسبة لي، بل بالأحرى، عمل من أجل التحرّر. أهدف أن أكون مجدِّدة في الشكل والأسلوب: لقد اهتممت بتحويل أنماطٍ أخرى من الكتابة، مثل القصص القصيرة والشِعر، لتلائم بنية القصص المصوّرة. تستهدف فتيات القمر مناقشة القضايا الكبرى وتكريم النشطاء الموجودين في الحياة الحقيقية، من خلال إدماج الرسومات والنصوص، كما يحدث في القصص المصوّرة عادةً. قراري بمركزة النساء الكوير كبطلات خارقات، وهو أمر نادر الحدوث في هذا النوع من الفن، أصبح له معنى أكبر بكثير عندما بدأ يتطوّر أمر خطير في غانا في عام 2021.
شهد العام الماضي تصاعد في وتيرة العنف ضد مجتمع الميم عين في غانا، والتي بدأت بإغلاق أحد مراكز مجتمع الميم عين. أعقب ذلك اعتقالات تعسفية وسجن أشخاص مشكوك في انتمائهم للطيف الكويري، كذلك أشخاص متّهمين بالدفع بـ»أجندة مثلية». تُوِّج ذلك بتقديم مشروع قانون ضد الميم عين في البرلمان الغاني تحت إسم «حقوق الإنسان الجنسية اللائقة وقِيَم الأسرة الغانية». يُزعم أن هذا المشروع هو أكثر مشاريع القوانين توحشًا ضد الميم عين كان قد صيغ في المنطقة، وقد أتى لاحقًا على محاولات سابقة في بلاد مثل نيجيريا وأوغندا وكينيا.
أتذكّر بمنتهى الوضوح أول مرّة قرأت فيها مسودة مشروع القانون. لقد كانت ليلة جمعة، والتي عادةً ما أستريح أو أحتفل فيها بعد أسبوع عمل طويل. لحسن الحظ، سُرِّبت المسودّة وتمّت مشاركتها معي على مجموعة واتساب. أثناء القراءة، تسلّل إليّ شعور عميق بالخوف والتوجّس مما أفسد ليلة استراحتي.
اقترح المشروع معاقبة أيّة مناصرة للميم عين بالسجن من خمس لعشرة سنوات، وبتغريم وحبس أي شخص يُعرّف نفسه باعتباره مثلي أو مثلية أو عابر أو عابرة جنسيًا أو ينتمي لأية فئات جنسية أو/وجندرية غير نمطية، إلا إذا «تراجع» وقَبِل الخضوع لعلاج تصحيحي. في مسودة مشروع القانون، حتى اللاجنسيين جُرِّموا. انقضّ مشروع القانون على جميع الحرّيات الأساسية: حرّية الفكر وحرّية الوجود وحرّية أن يتمسّك الشخص بحقيقته ويعيش بها. انقضّ مشروع القانون أيضًا على منصّات التواصل الاجتماعي والفنّ. لو مُرِّر هذا المشروع، ستصبح فتيات القمر عملاً أدبياً محظوراً. ما تقدّم به مشروع القانون كان شرًا خالصًا وبعيد المدى، لقد صُدِمت لدرجة الاكتئاب من عمق الكراهية التي صُنِع منها هذا المشروع. أثناء تصفّحي موقع «تويتر» تلك الليلة، وجدتُ انعكاسًا للرعب الذي شعرت به بداخلي. لقد كان هناك بثًا مباشرًا للمشاعر، حيثُ كان يتفاعل الناس فوريًا مع ما يقرأونه: من عدم تصديق إلى رعب إلى خيبة أمل شديدة وشعور بالأسف عندما أدركنا المدى الواسع الذي رغب المشروع في الانقضاض عليه. البعض غرّدوا عن استعدادهم لجمع ما لديهم والرحيل عن البلاد. بعدها، وكعادة الغانيين، تحوّل الأسف والخوف لدعابة. ومن الدعابة أتى الحماس لتصعيد المقاومة.
لذلك، فالعمل مستمرّ. لقد صنعتُ فتيات القمر لتوفير شكلٍ بديلٍ من التعليم، ولتوفير المعرفة حيثُ قمَعَتها أبوية عنيفة، ولخلق مساحة ظهور لمجتمع الميم عين حيثُ تمّ محوه. من الضروري أيضًا أن يحصل الـ»بي دي إس إم» الأفريقي على منصّة لإظهاره حيثُ أنّ الكثير من الـ»بي دي إس إم» المُمثَّل أبيض. إن المتعة الجنسية، سواء من خلال الـ»بي دي إس إم» أو غيره، مثلها مثل أنماط الحبّ اللامغاير جنسيًا، تتخطى العرق والقارّة، فالمتعة الجنسية وتنوّع خبراتها قديمة بقِدَم الزمن.
This journal edition in partnership with Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research, will explore feminist solutions, proposals and realities for transforming our current world, our bodies and our sexualities.
نصدر النسخة هذه من المجلة بالشراكة مع «كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد والجندر»، وسنستكشف عبرها الحلول والاقتراحات وأنواع الواقع النسوية لتغيير عالمنا الحالي وكذلك أجسادنا وجنسانياتنا.
Stella began her career at the Ministry of Gender and Community Development in Uganda engaging with policymakers for law reform, including the 1995 Ugandan Constitution, which established some of the most progressive reforms for women in the region.
She is revered throughout the region for her tireless efforts to create and enforce gender-responsive laws and policies. She played a key role in drafting Uganda’s Domestic Violence Act and in mobilizing support for gender-responsive constitutions in both Uganda and in Rwanda.
Through her work with International Center for Research on Women (ICRW), she worked on violence against children, and worked to strengthen the capacities of grassroots organizations addressing gender-based violence. She was a lecturer on gender rights and the law at Makerere University and served on the boards of Akina Mama wa Afrika, ActionAid International Uganda and the Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa.
لأول مرة، يعرض منتدى جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية ثلاثة طرق للمشاركة
سيجتمع المشاركون/ات في بانكوك، تايلاند. ننتظر بفارغ الصبر!
Our women ancestors form a circle
Sacred, alive, powerful
We are in the middle
Feeling their strength.
The drum beats a sound of earth
Our skin dresses in colours
We are green, red, orange, blue, violet, black
The drum beats a sound of earth
A voice vibrates, a scream emanates, a song rings out, lulling to sleep, awakening consciousness.
The drum beats a sound of earth
A gaze of complicity, friendship profound.
The drum beats a sound of earth
Ours is but one heart, beating a rhythm of the soul, inviting us to move, inspiring desire, and showing us a path.
One of communal togetherness, power of the people, self-government, a women’s revolution of subversive communal care.
The drum beats a sound of earth
And I invite you to join, to be voice, skin, gaze, seed, fire, song, communion.
The drum beats a sound of earth
And I invite you to discover it, to love it, to know it, and to defend it from the heart of the community
For 25 years they have lived along the same dusty streets, at the top of a hill named after a lion. They come from different places, many from traditional farming communities. Their skin is the colour of rebellion, the colour of a cardon cactus, because in them lives the spirit of the semi-arid Lara State, which is where their love for life comes from, their appreciation, care and protection of water and land. They are heiresses of the Gayon and Ayaman lineages, Indigenous communities that lived and live in the northern part of Lara State.
From the time they were very young they learned that maternity is a role from which it is not easy to escape. Caring for children, home and husband, washing, ironing, cooking, cleaning—everything had to be impeccable, people insisted.
And that was life—that and violence, insults, abuse, hitting, scheming, complaints were to be expected. It seemed almost natural, and that is how they spent their days. Everyday life on those dirt streets living in little houses of tin sheet metal without any electricity or running water. That was poverty, the precarity of when a man would arrive, yes, a man, a project. And then, an unusual revolution because it came about without war.
Then they were invited to go out, they were invited to take to the streets and occupy public space. In the process, the women tore down doors and windows, broke chains, let their hair down and they felt free, free like runaway slaves, Caribbean rebels, freedom fighters.
And those concepts of independence and sovereignty are something that those who had the chance to study had read about, but feeling it, feeling like the protagonists of a process of social transformation—that is an important victory that we have to mention and we cannot forget.
At the top of that hill one can feel the complicity, the shared fire, the years of struggle. They tell of how one of them would go around with her parasol in the afternoons from house to house having coffee and conversing with the people she would invite, convincing them
We are going to make a community council!
Let’s move forward together as a community!
Let’s make plans for education, sports, health, nutrition, a women and gender equality committee, the economy.
We can form our own People’s Government so our Neighbourhood can Be Beautiful!
And that is how the houses came, the doctor’s office, daycare, electricity, potable water. These are some of the community’s achievements, some of our common dreams come true.
And you might ask how a cuentera, a storyteller, made her way to a hill with the name of a lion
And I will tell you: it’s that I was born rowdy, always fighting, I was born a wanderer my grandmother would say, born ready Comandante Chavez would add, from so much walking, grumbling, fighting, and doubting that military man, that I would end up becoming convinced by the community project, by the idea of self-government, of the people managing their own resources, of all the power going to the communities, and so I was convinced.
But I knew something was missing because the women, the women of the community kept building up the people’s power and putting our hearts in the anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist fight, but there is something that hurts and continues to affect us. There are wounds from a patriarchy still present.
So one day, I found myself crying and the drum of the earth beat and our women ancestors spoke.
I found myself surrounded by a group of women who held me up, who contained me as I spilled over in front of them, as it both hurt and liberated me at the same time. That is how I discovered that love among women heals you, saves you, and that our friendship is profoundly political and that sisterhood is a way of being, of living life. From that moment on I never felt alone again, I never felt like an island again, because I know there is a group of women who carry me, bring me, love me, care for me and me for them. I know that this way of becoming a feminist with the mysticism of women loving life is an experience of feeling connected and loved by women, even if you never see them again. How not to want this that happened to me, to happen also to other women, this new beginning, this birth of a new heart is a gift from the goddesses that must be shared.
So I decided to join the women and I began walking from community to community to learn about others’ experiences. We began debating health, education, nutrition, we began preaching the anti-patriarchal word and calling for communities free of machismo. We insisted on recovering ancestral knowledge, intuition, we decided to defend life by talking about abortion and we found ourselves laughing, crying, debating, reflecting. I find myself with Macu, with the China, Yenni, Carolina, Maria, Ramona, Irma, and even with our sister Yenifer who left us not long ago.
This is my homage to them, the women of the hill, the lioness women, the ones who without a doubt have sown a seed in me with so much force it now beats with my heart.
Without a doubt they blaze a path, they are the ones who make caring for a family possible, collective care. They are also a force, a force in a territory that fights to overcome the embargo, the patriarchal violence, the political treason, to overcome the bureaucracy and the corruption.
Without a doubt they blaze a path
Without a doubt they are a compass
Without a doubt they are the heart of the community
Thank you.
Su’ad was a strong advocate of women’s and children’s rights, and was the head of Al-Weed Al-Alaiami - an Iraqi human rights organisation.
She participated in the July 2018 demonstrations that took place in Basra and several other Iraqi cities protesting unemployment and demanding jobs and proper public services for citizens, as well as calling for the elimination of rampant corruption.
On 25 September 2018, Su’ad was assassinated in the Al-Abbasiyah district in downtown Basra. A video of the incident showed a person approaching her as she was getting into her car, firing a bullet at the back of her head and pointing another bullet at her driver Hussain Hassan, who was injured in the shoulder. Al-Ali was 46 and the mother of four children.
การเสวนา: ในการเสวนาให้สำรวจปัญหาหรือความท้าทายจากมุมมองที่แตกต่างกัน หรือแบ่งปัน การเรียนรู้หรือประสบการณ์ ตามด้วยคำถามของผู้ฟังหากมีเวลา
รายการทอล์คโชว์: สนทนาแบบเป็นไปเองในรูปแบบรายการทอล์คโชว์ โดยอาจเป็นการสนทนา ร่วมกันหลายคน มีพิธีกรเป็นผู้ดำเนินรายการ คำถามของผู้ฟังสามารถกำหนดทิศทางของการสนทนาได้
การอภิปราย: วงสนทนาอภิปรายอาจอยู่ในรูปแบบเวิร์ลคาเฟ่ วงอ่างปลา (fishbowls) และรูปแบบอื่นๆ ที่เอื้อให้ผู้เข้าร่วมมีส่วนร่วมในการสนทนามากขึ้น
การประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการ (workshop): เป็นกิจกรรมเชิงโต้ตอบที่เชิญชวนผู้เข้าร่วมสร้างทักษะใหม่ๆในทุกด้านของชีวิตและการเคลื่อนไหวผ่านกิจกรรมและการปฏิบัติ
หัวข้อยุทธศาสตร์: เป็นการเชิญชวนให้คิดผ่านประเด็นหรือยุทธศาสตร์ในเชิงลึกร่วมกับคนอื่น เปิดพื้นที่ สำหรับเรียนรู้กันและกัน สิ่งใดได้ผล ไม่ได้ผล และเราจะพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์ใหม่ๆร่วมกันเพื่อสร้างโลกที่ เราใฝ่ฝันได้อย่างไร
วงแลกเปลี่ยนของคนแนวเดียวกัน: (หรือที่เรียกว่า "Birds of a Feather") เหมาะสำหรับกลุ่มเล็กๆ ในบรรยากาศที่ใกล้ชิดยิ่งขึ้น เพื่อรับฟังความคิดเห็นของกันและกัน จุดประกาย การอภิปราย และ หยิบยกประเด็นหัวข้อที่เฉพาะเจาะจง ละเอียดอ่อน และซับซ้อนอย่างระมัดระวัง
ศิลปะ - การประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการแบบมีส่วนร่วม: กิจกรรมศิลปะอย่างมีส่วนร่วม และการแสดงออก อย่างสร้างสรรค์ ไม่ว่าจะเป็นทัศนศิลป์ การละคร ภาพยนตร์ จิตรกรรมฝาผนัง การเต้นรำ ดนตรี งานฝีมือ หรือการสร้างงานศิลปะ ฯลฯ เรายินดีรับทุกแนวคิดที่เชิดชูศิลปะ และความคิดสร้างสรรค์แนวสตรีนิยมใน รูปแบบของการเปลี่ยนแปลงทางสังคม การเยียวยา การแสดงออก และการเปลี่ยนแปลง
ศิลปะ - การแสดง ศิลปะจัดวาง และนิทรรศการ: เรายินดีรับผลงานที่นำเสนอประสบการณ์ และมุมมองใหม่ๆแก่ผู้เข้าร่วมประชุมในเวทีนี้เพื่อขยายขอบเขตของเรา สร้างความท้าทายและสร้าง แรงบันดาลใจ ให้เราคิด รู้สึก และจัดการด้วยวิธีใหม่ๆ
การเยียวยาและบำบัด: กิจกรรมหลากหลายที่เหมาะกับกลุ่มและปัจเจกบุคคล ตั้งแต่การเรียนรู้เทคนิค การผ่อนคลาย ไปจนถึงการพูดคุยถึงการป้องกันภาวะหมดไฟ และตั้งแต่การดูแลร่างกาย จิตใจและ จิตวิญญาณ โดยคำนึงถึงบาดแผลทางจิตใจ ไปจนถึงการเยียวยารอยร้าวในขบวนการเคลื่อนไหวของเรา