Ahmal Mahmoud
Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
Related Content
Snippet - WITM Our objectives - AR
أهداف استطلاع "أين المال"
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تقديم تحليل محدّث، قوي، مبني على الأدلة ومسيّر نحو النشاط عن وقائع التمويل النسوي للتنظيمات النسوية ووضع البيئة التمويلية النسوية لأعضاء وعضوات AWID، الشركاء/ الشريكات في الحركة والممولين/ات. |
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تحديد وإظهار الفرص للتحول لتمويل أفضل وأكبر للحركات النسوية، لكشف الحلول الزائفة ووقف التوجه الذي يجعل التمويل يتحرك ضد الأجندات التقاطعية أو أجندات العدالة الجندرية. |
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تحديد الرؤى المقترحات والأجندات النسوية، لتمويل يحقق العدالة. |
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So'oalo Roger
So'oalo was a fervent human rights advocate, especially pertaining to the rights of the LGBTQI community in the Pacific.
She was a member of the Samoa Fa’afafine Association (SFA) and a passionate advocate for the acknowledgement of a third gender in the island country. Under her leadership, the SFA pushed for the recognition of the validity and rights of the fa’afafine community.
She was also a pioneer in articulating the links between human rights, exploitation of fa’afafines in Samoa and the Pacific, and the health, wellbeing and security of the LGBTQI community.
She was an inspiration, a visionary and her dedication to the pursuit of rights for her community is admirable and will be remembered.
Love letter to Feminist Movements #7
Dearest Feminist community,
I am pleased to share with you one of my remarkable dates as feminist with disability. It was May 30, 2014 when we (the Nationwide Organization of Visually-Impaired Empowered Ladies NOVEL) participated in the Philippine Fashion Week Holiday 2014 for our white cane advocacy campaign. Two ladies who are blind walked down the catwalk to promote the white cane as one of the symbols of gender equality, empowerment, full inclusion and equal participation of women and girls with visual impairment in society.
Their walk in front of the crowd were extremely a nerve-wracking experience for me, as the proponent of our project with the Runway Productions (I enduringly waited for a year for its approval), knowing that they were not models, they were the crowned Ms. Philippines Vision and 1st Runner Up of 2013 Ms. Philippines on Wheels, Signs and Vision by Tahanang Walang Hagdanan, Inc. (House with No Steps). Also, they fell on their orientation and practiced the evening before the event and they didn’t have practice with professional models. Before the show started, I talked to them via mobile phone to boost their confidence and to pray together for God’s guidance. When they exited the catwalk, I breathed deeply while my tears were flowing. I was feeling euphoric because we did it despite the challenges we’ve been through! Our message to the world that women and girls with visual impairment can walk with dignity, freedom and independence on an equal basis with others, with the use of our assistive device - white canes was successfully delivered! We trended in social media and we were featured by television networks.
My life as a feminist with disability started as a means to mend my broken spirit and to see a different path towards finding my life’s purpose after I became victim-survivor to a vicious acid attack in 2007 while I was waiting for a ride going home from office. My eyes were severely damaged, to the point that I became a woman with low vision.
I never knew how joyful and purposeful my life could be again until I met women leaders in the gender and disability movement who influenced me to keep going. Their words of encouragement attracted me and became the sweetest music to my ears. My broken heart leaped like a hummingbird in flight every time I think of them and feminism which stimulated me to partake in making difference for our invisible sisters with disabilities and to those who continue to experience discrimination. To date, I am consumed by the desire to be with the movement. I cannot hide my excitement whenever I submit project proposals to different stakeholders for our sisters with disabilities' empowerment, development and advancement; and to make representations in local, national and international conversations to amplify our voices even at my expense.
Unexpectedly, I was selected as our country’s female representative in the 2012 World Blind Union (WBU) General Assembly in Thailand even though I was a newcomer in the disability movement. In the same year, I was elected as the only woman officer of the Philippine Blind Union (PBU) in its assembly. I was inspired to reach out, gather and empower our sisters with visual impairment on their rights and to know their intersecting issues. In 2013, we officially launched the Nationwide Organization of Visually-Impaired Empowered Ladies (NOVEL) to support the empowerment of our sisters with disabilities, build coalitions with cross-disability and women’s movements and promote gender and disability-inclusive development.
My participation as co-focal person of women with disabilities in our 2016 CEDAW Shadow Report submission convened by Women’s Legal and Human Rights Bureau (WLB) with the marginalized groups of women, opened many doors such as working with various women’s organizations and attending the 2017 Inclusion Days International in Berlin, Germany together with 3 Filipino women leaders with disabilities to share our good practices, mainly our engagement with the women’s movement in our country.
My journey as feminist with disability has been an emotional roller coaster for me. It gave me happiness and a sense of worth when I participated in promoting for our sisters with disabilities full inclusion, equal and effective participation in society, yet I felt frustrated and upset when I gave my all but I received negative remarks. Nevertheless, I feel that way because I am in love with the movement.
I see my future working in solidarity with the movement to ensure that our sisters with and without disabilities can equally and fully enjoy and participate in society.
Love lots,
Gina Rose P. Balanlay
Feminist with disability
Philippines
Snippet FEA The fight for a world full of workplaces (ES)
La lucha por un mundo lleno de lugares de trabajo libres de todas formas de discriminación, estigma y exclusión es digna. Un mundo en el que el trabajo sexual sea descriminalizado y reconocido como trabajo es parte integrante de esto.
Un mundo donde todxs lxs trabajadorxs tengan condiciones de trabajo seguras, salarios dignos y puedan disfrutar de los mismos derechos como el acceso a la salud, pensiones, permisos por enfermedad, vacaciones, seguridad laboral y más, sin importar su género, raza, etnia, edad o capacidad.
Los derechos laborales son cuestiones feministas, y los sindicatos feministas desempeñan un papel clave en la promoción de los derechos legales, laborales y económicos de todxs lxs trabajadorxs, especialmente lxs trabajadorxs migrantes, lxs trabajadorxs domésticxs, lxs trabajadorxs informales y lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. Estas son personas que recientemente se han visto afectadas de manera desproporcionada por la pandemia, su crisis de cuidados, los confinamientos, toques de queda y el aumento de la vigilancia y represión policial.
Aquí les presentamos las historias de activistas feministas y sindicalistas que luchan por mejores condiciones de trabajo y mejores mundos para todxs.
Fidan Dogan
Кому следует принять участие в опросе?
Группы, организации и движения, работающие исключительно или главным образом в интересах женщин, девочек, гендерной справедливости, прав ЛГБТКИ+ людей во всех регионах и на всех уровнях, как недавно созданные, так и давно существующие.
Samira Khalil
Samira fue una activista siria bajo el régimen de Bashar al-Asad.
Desde muy joven, se opuso a todas las formas de despotismo, especialmente en relación al régimen autoritario en el que vivía. En 2013, Samira fue secuestrada junto a otrxs tres destacadxs activistas. Se cree que se la llevaron del Centro para la Documentación de Violaciones de Duma, en el área rural de Damasco.
El principal sospechoso de su desaparición es el Ejército del Islam (el cual niega estar involucrado). No ha habido una investigación formal de la desaparición de Samira y desde entonces no se ha sabido nada de ella. Samira estaba comprometida con su país y se negaba a abandonar Siria hasta tanto no sintiera que su trabajo por el empoderamiento de las mujeres y en la documentación de los crímenes ya no fuera necesario.
El Calendario Feminista 2023
AWID es parte de un impresionante ecosistema de movimientos feministas que trabajan para alcanzar la justicia de género y la justicia social en todo el mundo. Al acercarse nuestro 40° aniversario estamos celebrando todo lo que hemos construido a lo largo de estos últimos cuarenta años. Como organización global de apoyo a los movimientos feministas, sabemos que nuestro camino hacia adelante es trabajar con feminismos apasionados, reconociendo tanto la multiplicidad de los feminismos como el valor de un impulso por la justicia apasionado y sin reservas. El estado del planeta y de los movimientos feministas requiere conversaciones y acciones valientes. Esperamos con ansia trabajar junto con nuestrxs afiliadxs, asociadxs y donantes para crear los mundos en los que creemos,celebrar los logros y expresar la verdad ante el poder, al servicio de los movimientos feministas a nivel global.
El Calendario Feminista 2023 es un regalo para los movimientos. Presenta las obras de arte de algunxs de nuestrxs maravillosxs afiliadxs de AWID.
Úsalo. Imprímelo. Compártelo.
¡Consíguelo en tu idioma preferido! |
Escoge la calidad de imagen |
| English | Descarga para impresión | Versión digital |
| Français | Descarga para impresión | Versión digital |
| Español | Descarga para impresión | Versión digital |
| Português | Descarga para impresión | Versión digital |
| عربي | Descarga para impresión | Versión digital |
| Русский | Descarga para impresión | Versión digital |
Snippet FEA Georgia's minimum wage (FR)
Le salaire minimum en Géorgie est l’un des plus bas dans le monde. Cette réalité touche surtout les femmes.
Non seulement le pays a un écart de rémunération important entre les genres, mais les femmes travaillent également des heures plus longues et moins réglementées avant de rentrer chez elles pour s'occuper des tâches ménagères et de leur famille. Il n'y a pas de congé de maternité, pas d'augmentation de salaire pour les heures supplémentaires, pas d'assurance-chômage, et pas de congé de maladie ou d'autre protection sociale. Sous la pression d’organisations occidentales, les partis politiques oligarchiques géorgiens ont mis en œuvre des réformes qui détruisent l'État-providence, augmentent les mesures d'austérité et aggravent l'exploitation des travailleur·euses, le tout au profit des grandes entreprises qui applaudissent le pays pour sa «facilité à faire des affaires». Les médias, cooptés par des intérêts privés et corporatifs, sont partiaux sur ces questions ou les réduisent au silence. L'organisation syndicale reste l'une des rares options pour lutter pour les droits humains fondamentaux et pour tenir l'État et les entreprises responsables des violations et persécutions quotidiennes et généralisées contre les travailleur·euses, et en particulier les femmes.
Source: Minimum-Wage et entretien avec Sopo Japaridze dans Open Democracy
Anja Nedringhous
O nosso grupo, organização e/ou movimento não recebeu ou mobilizou financiamento de financiadores externos. Devemos participar no inquérito?
Sim! Reconhecemos e valorizamos diferentes motivos pelos quais as feministas nos seus respetivos contextos não dispõem de financiamento externo: desde não serem elegíveis para se candidatar a subsídios e/ou receber dinheiro do exterior, até dependerem de recursos gerados autonomamente como uma estratégia política por si só. Queremos saber mais sobre vocês, independentemente da vossa experiência com financiamento externo.
Dora Nkem Akunyili
Née dans l'État de Benue, au Nigeria, Dora était une pharmacienne experte et érudite ainsi qu’une dirigeante communautaire de renommée mondiale.
Lorsqu'elle est devenue directrice générale de l'Agence nationale pour la gestion et le contrôle des aliments et drogues (NAFDAC) entre 2001 et 2008, son travail d’envergure révolutionnaire a initié un changement de paradigme au sein de la fonction publique nigériane. Au cours de son mandat, elle a mené des réformes dans l'application des politiques et des réglementations qui ont permis de réduire de manière radicale le nombre de faux médicaments qui ont affecté le secteur pharmaceutique nigérian.
Après avoir incarné la réalité d’une femme courageuse et compétente qui a défié les maux d’une société à dominante patriarcale et qui a conduit au changement, elle est devenue une icône de l’émancipation des femmes. Entre 2008 et 2010 elle a été nommée ministre de l'Information et de la Communication.
Elle est décédée des suites d'un cancer et laisse dans le deuil son mari, ses six enfants et ses trois petits-enfants.
هل استطيع الوصول للاستطلاع وتعبئته من هاتفي؟
نعم، يمكن تعبئة الاستطلاع من خلال الهاتف الذكي.
Su’ad Al-Ali
Su’ad was a strong advocate of women’s and children’s rights, and was the head of Al-Weed Al-Alaiami - an Iraqi human rights organisation.
She participated in the July 2018 demonstrations that took place in Basra and several other Iraqi cities protesting unemployment and demanding jobs and proper public services for citizens, as well as calling for the elimination of rampant corruption.
On 25 September 2018, Su’ad was assassinated in the Al-Abbasiyah district in downtown Basra. A video of the incident showed a person approaching her as she was getting into her car, firing a bullet at the back of her head and pointing another bullet at her driver Hussain Hassan, who was injured in the shoulder. Al-Ali was 46 and the mother of four children.
Clone of Anuncio: Foro AWID 2024
¡Es hora para el próximo Foro de AWID: en 2024!
Cuando miles de feministas se unen, creamos una fuerza arrolladora de solidaridad que tiene el poder de cambiar el mundo. El Foro de AWID será un momento para que descansemos y nos recuperemos juntas, nos conectemos más allá de las fronteras y descubramos nuevas y osadas direcciones estratégicas.
La fecha y el lugar se anunciarán el próximo año, tan pronto como podamos. Estamos emocionades y sabemos que ustedes también lo están. ¡Manténganse al tanto!
¡Asegúrate de seguirnos en las redes sociales y suscríbete a nuestra lista de correo para mantenerte al día!
Snippet FEA different lines of work S4 (ES)
Líneas de trabajo:
EN CONTRA DE
Claudia House Morcom
Нужно ли мне как-то подготовиться, чтобы пройти опрос?
Поскольку опрос посвящен исследованию реалий обеспечения феминистских организаций ресурсами, большинство вопросов касаются финансирования вашей организации в период с 2021 по 2023 год. Вам необходимо будет иметь при себе данную информацию для заполнения анкеты (например, годовые бюджеты и информацию об основных источниках финансирования).
Fahmida Riaz
“Afterwards
After love the first time,
Our naked bodies and minds
A hall of mirrors,
Wholly unarmed, utterly fragile,
We lie in one another's arms
Breathing with care,
Afraid to break
These crystal figurines.” - Fahmida Riaz
Fahmida Riaz broke social taboos by writing about female desire in her poetry, creating alternative narratives about women’s bodies and sexuality, and setting new standards in Urdu literature.
Her work faced harsh criticism from conservatives, who accused her of using erotic and “pornographic” expressions in her poetic language.
Fahimida was eventually blacklisted and charged with sedition under Section 124A of the Pakistan Penal Code) during the dictatorship of Zia Ul Haq. Forced into exile in 1981, she spent almost seven years in India before returning to Pakistan.
As part of the preface to “Badan Dareeda” ('The Torn-Bodied'), a collection of poetry published in 1974, she wrote:
If, indeed, I am forced to stand before this maqtal today and face the gallows, I should face them with my head held high. My poems are the trace of a mangled head: emanating sounds even as it is suspended from ropes... A Body Torn has taken the form of a razmia, or the sound of rupture. And if such rupture indeed shocks a people, then consider the poet as having achieved her purpose: she has managed to disturb them. (translation from Urdu by Asad Alvi)
The brilliance of Fahmida was in defying any singular logic or categories of gender, nation, religion or culture. She refused to be put in the role of a ‘woman poet’, breaking with traditional definitions of feminine poetry and concepts and themes (ranging from political consciousness, body, culture, desire, religion, home) and knocking down inhibitions put on her gender.
“You have to understand that culture can have no essence. Cultures move, flowing into one another, forming new cultures. Culture is born this way. There is no clash of cultures.”
Fahmida authored more than 15 books on poetry and fiction including her poem ‘Taaziyati Qaraardaaden’ (‘Condolence Resolutions’) that might serve as an appropriate tribute to her life and legacy and a collection of poems (Apna Jurm To Saabit He ‘My Crime Stands Proven’) published in 1988 during her time in exile.
Fahmida Riaz was born in Meerut, India on 28 July 1946 and passed away on 21 November 2018 in Lahore, Pakistan.
