Clotilde Marquez Cruz
Women Human Rights Defenders
WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
- Physical assault and death
- Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
- Judicial harassment and criminalization
- Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
- to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
- to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
- emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
- documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
- promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
- building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
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Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
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Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
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Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
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Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Related Content
Snippet - CSW68 Intro
Reclaiming Feminist Power
This year, we, alongside feminist activists from across the world, will be at CSW68 in New York, to challenge capitalist, neoliberal narratives and false solutions around poverty, development and financing. Through in-person events, lives on our socials, an exhibit booth and more; we are showing up to convene, amplify and support the voices and participation of our members, partners and allies.
Learn more about our program this year below.
Maritza Quiroz Leiva
Maritza Quiroz Leiva was an Afro Colombian social activist, a community leader and women human rights defender. Among the 7.7 million Colombians internally displaced by 50 years of armed conflict, Maritza dedicated her advocacy work to supporting the rights of others, particularly in the Afro Colombian community who suffered similar violations and displacement.
Maritza was the deputy leader of the Santa Marta Victim's Committee, and an important voice for those seeking justice in her community, demanding reparations for the torture, kidnapping, displacement, and sexual violence that victims experienced during the armed conflict. She was also active in movement for land redistribution and land justice in the country.
On 5 January 2019, Maritza was killed by two armed individuals who broke into her home. She was 60 years old.
Maritza joined five other Colombian social activists and leaders who had been murdered just in the first week of 2019. A total of 107 human rights defenders were killed that year in the country.
Snippet FEA ASOM’s activists in encounters (ES)
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Activistas de ASOM en encuentros, desfiles y eventos
2003: First High-level Dialogue is held
First High-level Dialogue on Financing for Development, 29-30 October 2003
One of the follow up mechanisms to the Monterrey conference are the UN General Assembly High-level Dialogues on Financing for Development held every two years. In total eight roundtable meetings took place following the Dialogue on various issues including agricultural subsidies, trade, debt relief and funding of the MDGs. All the discussions focused on dealing with the structural hindrances on these issues that disadvantaged ‘developing’ nations.
Other follow up mechanisms to Monterrey included:
- The UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) special high-level meeting, held annually, with the leadership of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization and UNCTAD on the follow-up to the Monterrey Consensus. ECOSOC also devotes up to two days to deliberate the FfD agenda item during its substantive session.
- Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters, the specialized United Nations tax body, addresses the various tax policy issues identified in the Monterrey Consensus and provides a framework for dialogue with a view to enhancing and promoting international tax cooperation among national tax authorities.
Digna Ochoa
Snippet - CSW68 - Responding to Anti-rights - FR
Répondre aux évolutions antidroits
in Multilateral and Regional Spaces
✉️ Sur invitation uniquement
📅Mardi 12 mars
🕒14 h - 15 h 30 HNE
Organisateur : Consortium de l'Observatoire sur l'universalité des droits (OURs)
🏢Blue Gallery, 222 E 46th St, New York
Roxana Reyes Rivas
Roxana Reyes Rivas, filósofa, feminista, lesbiana, poeta, política y activista por los derechos humanos de las mujeres y las personas LGBTI en Costa Rica. Dueña de una pluma afilada y un humor agudo, con la risa a flor de piel. Nació en 1960 y creció en San Ramón de Alajuela, cuando era una zona rural, y su vida entera rompería con los mandatos de lo que significaba ser mujer.
Desde El Reguero (grupo de lesbianas en Costa Rica) organizó festivales lésbicos por más de 10 años, espacios lúdico-formativos de encuentro en momentos donde el gobierno y la sociedad costarricense perseguía y criminalizaba la existencia lésbica. Para cientos de mujeres los festivales lésbicos eran el único lugar donde podían ser ellas mismas y encontrarse con otras como ellas.
Roxana decía que fundar partidos políticos era uno de sus pasatiempos. “Es importante que en Costa Rica la gente entienda que hay otras formas de hacer política, que muchos temas es necesario resolverlos colectivamente”. Fue una de lxs fundadores de los partidos Nueva Liga Feminista y VAMOS, un partido centrado en los derechos humanos.
“El oficio de la filosofía es meter la puya, ayudar a que la gente empiece a preguntarse cosas. La filósofa que no irrita a nadie, no está haciendo bien su trabajo”. Durante 30 años, Roxana fue profesora de filosofía en universidades públicas costarricenses. De su mano generaciones enteras de estudiantes reflexionaron sobre los dilemas éticos en la ciencia y la tecnología.
La herramienta favorita de Roxana era el humor, ella creó el premio del Chiverre Incandescente, un reconocimiento a la estupidez que otorgaba vía redes sociales a diferentes figuras públicas, ridiculizando sus exabruptos y afirmaciones anti-derechos.
Un cáncer agresivo se llevó a Roxana a fines del 2019, antes de que alcanzara a publicar la compilación de sus poemas, un último regalo de la mente creativa de una feminista que siempre levantó la voz para denunciar la injusticia.
Snippet FEA Aura Roig (FR)
Venez rencontrer Aura Roig, militante féministe visionaire, anthropologue, directrice et fondatrice de la coopérative Metzineres.
Elle a consacré les deux dernières décennies à la recherche, à la conception et à la mise en place de politiques de soutien aux personnes qui se droguent, basées sur la réduction des méfaits, les droits humains et le féminisme intersectionnel.
Après avoir expérimenté et appris des communautés qui consomment des drogues dans le monde entier, elle est retournée à Barcelone pour créer la Xarxa de Dones que Usen Drogues (le Réseau des Femmes qui Consomment des Drogues, XADUD). XADUD était un espace d'entraide et de solidarité avec la lutte pour les droits des groupes marginalisés, qui plus tard deviendra la coopérative Metzineres.
Aujourd'hui, Aura travaille à étendre le modèle Metzineres pour prendre en charge des groupes plus grands, tout en documentant de manière approfondie son parcours et son apprentissage prolifiques.
2010: tiene lugar el cuarto Diálogo de Alto Nivel
- El tema del Cuarto Diálogo de Alto Nivel sobre la Financiación para el Desarrollo, que tuvo lugar el 23 y 24 de marzo de 2010, fue El Consenso de Monterrey y la Declaración de Doha sobre la financiación para el desarrollo: estado de la aplicación y labor futura. Contó con cuatro mesas redondas sobre: la reforma de los sistemas monetario y financiero internacionales; el impacto de la crisis financiera en la inversión extranjera directa; el comercio internacional y las corrientes de capitales privados; y el rol de la cooperación financiera y técnica para el desarrollo, incluyendo las fuentes innovadoras de financiación para el desarrollo, en el impulso de la movilización de recursos financieros nacionales e internacionales para el desarrollo.
- También tuvo lugar un diálogo interactivo oficioso con diversos actores centrado en la relación entre la financiación para el desarrollo y la realización de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio.
Esperanza Pérez Labrador
Snippet - CSW68 - Follow Socials - EN
Follow us!
Through in-person events, lives on our socials, an exhibit booth and more; we are showing up to convene, amplify and support the voices and participation of our members, partners and allies.
Together we will Reclaim Feminist Power by uplifting feminist alternatives and visions around economies that center collective systems of care and nurture both the planet and people.
Follow us on social media for more details on how to participate! Be part of the conversations using the hashtags #AWIDatCSW68 and #ReclaimFeministPower.
Instagram | Facebook | LinkedIn | X (Twitter)
Dorothy Masuka
“Je n’avais pas prévu d’être chanteuse; c’est le chant qui avait prévu de m’habiter” - Dorothy Masuka (interview avec Mail & Guardian)
Dorothy Masuka, née en 1935 à Bulawayo (alors en Rhodésie du Sud, aujourd’hui le Zimbabwe), a grandi en Afrique du Sud. Elle est devenue une auteure, compositrice, chanteuse de jazz et activiste renommée, et fervente partisane de la lutte contre l’apartheid. Qualifiée d’“architecte du discours de la musique populaire de libération africaine”, Dorothy a souvent chanté la politique dans des langues africaines autochtones et tout au long de son oeuvre, et s’est opposée aux politiques racistes du gouvernement sud-africain.
L’une de ses chansons, intitulée "Dr Malan" (du nom de l'homme politique pro-apartheid D.F. Malan) a été censurée. Elle a poursuivi avec l’enregistrement de "Lumumba" (1961), une chanson sur l'assassinat du leader anticolonialiste Patrice Lumumba. Le travail et l'activisme de Dorothy ont alors attiré l'attention de la section spéciale de la police sud-africaine, ce qui la contraignit à un exil politique qui s’étendit sur plus de 3 décennies. Tout au long de cette période, elle travailla avec des groupes pro-indépendantistes, dont le Congrès national africain. En 1992, alors que l'apartheid commençait à s'effondrer et que Nelson Mandela fut libéré de prison, elle retourna en Afrique du Sud.
Parmi ses autres œuvres, on peut citer sa première chanson, enregistrée en 1953 et intitulée "Hamba Notsokolo", qui fut un tube des années 1950 et un grand classique. Elle composa également "El Yow Phata Phata", une chanson adaptée par Miriam Makeba qui contribua à offrir une popularité internationale à "Pata, Pata".
Ancrés dans la résistance, la musique et l’activisme de Dorothy étaient entrelacés et laissent un merveilleux héritage inspirant. Elle était également très connue sous le nom de “Auntie Dot”.
Le 23 février 2019, Dorothy s’est éteinte à Johannesburg à 83 ans des suites d’une maladie.
Regardez l'interview de Dorothy Masuka pour Mail & Guardian (seulement en anglais)
Écoutez sa musique :
Snippet FEA Occupation’s kitchen Instagram 2 (EN)
Occupation’s kitchen campaign:
Women sustain Care | Care Sustains Life | Life Sustains Economy | Who takes care of women? | Not one less1 | Together | Sunday lunch
1Nenhuna a menos literally translates as “not one woman less” or “ni una menos” in Spanish - a famous feminist slogan in Latin America that emerged in Argentina as a response to increasing gender-based violence.
Mars 2015: publication de la version zéro du document final
Publication de la version zéro du document final, mars 2015
- La version zéro du document final (en anglais – datée du 16 mars), préparée par les co-facilitateurs, a été soumise à discussion pendant la seconde session de rédaction qui s’est tenue du 13 au 17 avril 2015.
- Pendant la session inaugurale, le WWG a insisté sur la nécessité de mentionner, dans la version zéro, les ressources qui seraient spécifiquement consacrées à l’égalité des genres et à l’autonomisation des femmes, comme cela avait été prévu dans le Consensus de Monterrey et la Déclaration de Doha.
Josefina Reyes Salazar
Snippet - WITM To share - EN
To share your lived experience with mobilizing funding for your organizing
Leah Tumbalang
Leah Tumbalang was a Lumad woman of Mindanao in the Philippines. The story of Lumad Indigenous peoples encompasses generations of resistance to large-scale corporate mining, protection of ancestral domains, resources, culture, and the fight for the right to self-determination.
Leah was a Lumad leader as well as a leader of Kaugalingong Sistema Igpasasindog to Lumadnong Ogpaan (Kasilo), a Lumad and peasant organization advocating against the arrival of mining corporations in Bukidnon, Mindanao province. She was unwavering in her anti-mining activism, fervently campaigning against the devastating effects of mineral extraction on the environment and Indigenous peoples’ lands. Leah was also an organizer of the Bayan Muna party-list, a member of the leftist political party Makabayan.
For almost a decade, Leah (along with other members of Kasilo) had been receiving threats for co-leading opposition against the deployment of paramilitary groups believed to be supported by mining interests.
“Being a Lumad leader in their community, she is at the forefront in fighting for their rights to ancestral land and self-determination.” - Kalumbay Regional Lumad Organization
Being at the forefront of resistance also often means being a target of violence and impunity and Leah not only received numerous death threats, but was murdered on 23 August 2019 in Valencia City, Bukidnon.
According to a Global Witness report, “the Philippines was the worst-affected country in sheer numbers” when it comes to murdered environmental activists in 2018.
Read the Global Witness report, published July 2019
Snippet FEA EoS The Howl (EN)
The Howl
Participation and activism
What is at stake for women’s rights?
Development financing has specific threats and opportunities for women's and all people’s human rights. Transformative development financing and policies can make an important contribution to the systemic changes that are needed to ensure the respect, protection and fulfillment of women’s human rights.
2015 is an important year for the FfD process. The Third International Conference on FfD took place from 13-16 July 2015 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and governments are finalising the post-2015 development agenda including agreements on how the new Sustainable Development Goals will be financed.
The current stage of the FfD process is an important opportunity to establish a financing framework that will ensure effective financing for the implementation of the post 2015 agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is also an opportunity to address the structural conditions, and systemic changes needed, for the full implementation of other agendas and commitments such as Human Rights Conventions, and the Beijing Platform for Action.
Over the last 13 years, women’s rights and feminist organizations have actively engaged in the FfD process.