Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
rising traditionalism,
rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
Florence était une militante des droits des personnes handicapées qui travaillait avec plusieurs organisations de femmes handicapées en Ouganda.
Elle a également occupé le poste de présidente de l’Association des femmes handicapées du district de Lira, ainsi que du caucus des conseillères du district de Lira. Formée en tant que conseillère pour personnes handicapées et parents d'enfants handicapés, elle a soutenu de nombreux projets appelant à une plus grande représentation des personnes handicapées.
Elle est morte dans un accident de moto.
Snippet FEA Union Otras Photo 1 (FR)
Nicole Barakat
“We transcend time and place” [«Trascendemos el tiempo y el lugar»], papel recuperado cortado a mano (2017)“We will remember who we are and we will persist” [«Recordaremos quiénes somos y persistiremos»], lamé cortado a mano bordado en algodón sobre seda de lana (2018)“We will return home” [«Regresaremos a casa»], lamé cortado a mano bordado en seda sobre terciopelo de algodón (2018)“We will heal in the now” [«Sanaremos en el ahora»], seda cortada a mano, lana, lamé, algodón, impresión digital directa de satén sobre tela de lino (2018)
somos infinitxs
Una exposición de Nicole Barakat que encarna su reconexión con los objetos de la diáspora de sus tierras ancestrales en la región del Sudoeste Asiático y África del Norte (SWANA, por sus siglas en inglés).
Barakat presenta una colección de obras textiles como manifestaciones de su práctica de conectarse con los objetos desplazados, y a menudo robados, que son exhibidos en colecciones de museos occidentales que incluyen el Museo del Louvre de París, el Museo Británico de Londres y el Nicholson Museum de Sydney.
Para burlar a los guardianes y fisurar las vitrinas que retienen estos objetos ancestrales, Barakat recupera formas de conocimiento precoloniales, no lineales y receptivas que son, a menudo, devaluadas y desestimadas por las instituciones coloniales y patriarcales, utilizando la adivinación con la borra del café, el trabajo con los sueños, la escucha intuitiva y las conversaciones con los objetos mismos (fuente).
Sobre Nicole Barakat
Nicole Barakat es una artista femme queer de SWANA, que nació y vive en las tierras de Gadigal (llamadas Sydney) en Australia. Trabaja con procesos intuitivos y de escucha profunda, con la intención de transformar las condiciones de la vida cotidiana. Su obra se desarrolla a través de métodos artísticos no convencionales, creando objetos intrincados que plasman el amor y la paciencia característicos de las prácticas textiles tradicionales.
Sus trabajos incluyen dibujos en papel y en tela cortados y cosidos a mano, esculturas realizadas con su propio cabello, tela y materiales vegetales, así como obras en vivo en las que utiliza su voz como material.
La práctica creativa de Nicole está arraigada en el re-cuerdo y la re-colección de sus conocimientos ancestrales, incluyendo la adivinación con la borra del café y, más recientemente, el trabajo con esencias de plantas y flores para el cuidado y la sanación comunitaria.
Nicole’s creative practice is rooted in re-membering and re-gathering her ancestral knowing, including coffee divination and more recently working with plants and flower essences for community care and healing.
Our values - Justice and systemic change
Justice et changement systémique
Nous œuvrons en faveur d’un monde fondé sur la justice sociale, environnementale et économique, ainsi que sur l'interdépendance, la solidarité et le respect. Nous travaillons au démantèlement des systèmes de pouvoir oppressif et contre toutes ses manifestations, y compris tout forme de patriarcat, de fondamentalisme, de militarisme et de fascisme, et le pouvoir des entreprises qui menacent nos vies et notre monde. Nous voulons un monde juste où le partage des ressources et celui du pouvoir permettront à chacun·e de s'épanouir.
In the 30 years since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration & Platform for Action, a rising tide of fascisms is exerting significant power and influence within multilateral spaces, backpedalling gender justice gains and human rights protections globally.
Around CSW69, we're co-organizing horizontal, brave spaces on-ground and online, to share strategies and build feminist power beyond Beijing+30. Our collective presence disrupts institutional practices of exclusion in such spaces while supporting movements to organize around feminist alternatives to systems of oppression.
Join the conversations from March 10-21, 2025, as we collectively transform CSW69 into spaces for and about resistance and solidarity.
Born in 1928, Marceline worked as an actress, a screenwriter, and a director.
She directed The Birch-Tree Meadow in 2003, starring Anouk Aimee, as well as several other documentaries. She was also a holocaust survivor. She was just fifteen when she and her father were both arrested and sent to Nazi concentration camps. The three kilometres between her father in Auschwitz and herself in Birkenau were an insurmountable distance, which she writes about in one of her seminal novels “But You Did Not Come Back.”
In talking about her work, she once said: "All I can say is that everything I can write, everything I can unveil — it's my task to do it.”
Snippet FEA Sabrina Sanchez Bio (EN)
Meet Sabrina Sanchez, remarkable trans migrant woman, sex worker, organizer, transfeminist and one of the founders of the union OTRAS.
Originally from Mexico City, she migrated to Spain 17 years ago after getting a degree in communications and started working as a sex worker.
It didn’t take long before she became involved with trans activism and sex worker activism in Barcelona. After joining the collective Asociación de Profesionales del Sexo (Association of Sex Workers, Aprosex), she started working in its secretariat and founded the Spanish sex workers union OTRAS.
Fun fact: she’s also a car mechanic and serious runner!
Les tendances antidroits au sein des systèmes régionaux des droits humains
Chapter 6
À la Commission africaine et au Système interaméricain, les antidroits promeuvent les notions essentialistes de culture et de genre pour miner les avancées en matière de droits et décrédibiliser la redevabilité. Les antidroits gagnent en influence dans les systèmes de protection des droits humains régionaux et internationaux.
La Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples commence à présenter les droits des femmes et droits sexuels comme mettant en danger sa capacité à adresser les « droits réels » et contraires aux « valeurs africaines », un précédent inquiétant à l’égard des droits. Le retrait de son statut d’observatrice à la Coalition des lesbiennes africaines est un exemple de cette tendance, et traduit la répression de l’engagement féministe panafricaniste.
Au sein de l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) et du Système interaméricain de protection des droits humains, les stratégies antidroits incluent l’ONGisation de groupes religieux, l’adoption d’un langage séculier et la prise de contrôle de cadres discriminatoires. L’influence antidroits a pris plusieurs formes, et notamment l’intimidation d’activistes trans et l’entrave à l’introduction d’un langage progressif dans les résolutions.
Sommaire
Réduire les féministes au silence au sein du Système africain de protection des droits humains
Les groupes antidroits en Amérique latine : l’Assemblée générale de l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) et le Système interaméricain de protection des droits humains
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🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor New York
Dilma Ferreira Silva was a leading Amazonian rights activist who fought for decades for the rights of people affected by dams.
She herself was among the 32,000 people displaced by the Tucuruí, a mega-hydroelectric power plant, built in Brazil during the 1964-1985 military dictatorship.
In 2005 Dilma was invited to join the Movement of Dam-Affected Peoples in Brazil (MAB), and in 2006 she formed the women’s collective, eventually becoming regional coordinator of the movement.
In speaking about her activism, her colleagues commented:
“She stood out very fast because she was always very fearless in the struggle.”
Dilma lived in the rural settlement of Salvador Allende,50 kilometers from Tucuruí, and dedicated her life to better protect communities and the land affected by the construction of mega projects. She was especially concerned with the gendered impacts of such projects and advocated for women’s rights.
At a national MAB meeting in 2011, Dilma spoke to women affected by the dams, saying:
“We are the real Marias, warriors, fighters who are there, facing the challenge of daily struggle”.
In the following years, Dilma organized grassroots MAD groups and worked with the community to form farming cooperatives that created a better distribution of food for the community. They improved the commercialization of fishing, and developed a cistern project for safe drinking water. She was also an advocate for farmers whose lands were being coveted by ‘grileiros’ (land grabbers).
On 22nd March 2019, at the age of 48, Dilma, her husband and their friend were all brutally murdered. The three killings came as part of a wave of violence in the Amazon against the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (translates as ‘landless workers’ movement’), environmental and indigenous activists.
Snippet FEA Principles of Work Antiracism (ES)
ANTI RACISMO
Transnational Embodiments - Editor's Note
Lost For Words
Chinelo Onwualu
Ghiwa Sayegh
When we are desperate for change, as we are both in illness and insurrection, our language drains of complexity, becomes honed to its barest essentials... As illness and revolution persist, though, the language made in them and about them deepens, lets in more nuance, absorbed in the acutely human experience of encountering one’s limits at the site of the world’s end. Johanna Hedva
When we began scheming for such an issue with Nana Darkoa, ahead of AWID’s Crear | Résister | Transform: a festival for feminist movements!, we departed from a question that is more of an observation of the state of the world – a desire to shift ground: why do our sexualities and pleasures continue to be tamed and criminalized even as we are told, over and over again, that they bring neither value nor progress? We came to the conclusion that when they are embodied, something about our sexualities works against a world order that continues to manifest itself in border controls, vaccine apartheids, settler colonialism, ethnic cleansing, and rampant capitalism. Could we speak, then, of the disruptive potential of our sexualities? Could we still do that when, in order to be resourced, our movements are co-opted and institutionalized.
When our embodied labor becomes profit in the hands of the systems we seek to dismantle, it is no wonder that our sexualities and pleasures are once again relegated to the sidelines – especially when they are not profitable enough. In many instances during the production of this issue, we asked ourselves what would happen if we refused to accommodate the essential services of capitalism. But can we dare ask that question when we are exhausted by the world? Perhaps our sexualities are so easily dismissed because they are not seen as forms of care. Perhaps what we need is to reimagine pleasure as a form of radical care – one that is also anti-capitalist and anti-institutional.
As we enter our second full year of a global pandemic, our approach to transnational embodiments has had to focus on a single political realization: that taking care is a form of embodiment. And because right now so much of our work is being done without consideration for the borders between and within ourselves, we are all Transnationally Embodied – and we are all failing. We are failing to take care of ourselves and more critically, to take care of each other.
This failure is not of our own making.
Many of our parents thought of labor as transactional, something to be given in exchange for compensation and a guarantee of care. And while that exchange was not always honored, our parents did not expect that their work would provide them fulfillment. They had their leisure, their hobbies, and their communities for that. Today, we their children, who have been conditioned to think of our labor as intertwined with our passion, have no such expectations. We think of work and leisure as one and the same. For too many of us, work has come to embody our whole selves.
However, heteropatriarchal capitalism doesn’t value us, let alone our labor or our sexualities. This is a system that will only demand more and more until you die. And when you die, it will replace you with somebody else. Expectations to be online round the clock mean we simply can’t get away from work, even when we want to. This commercialization of labor, divorcing it from the person, has infiltrated every aspect of our lives and is being perpetuated even in the most feminist, the most radical and revolutionary circles.
Capitalist expectations have always been particularly pernicious to bodies who don’t fit its ideal. And those seeking to consolidate their powers have used the pandemic as an opportunity to target women, sexual minorities, and any others that they see as less than.
This special issue exists because of, and certainly in spite of this.
Almost every contributor and staff member was pushing themselves past their capacity. Every single piece was produced from a place of passion, but also incredible burnout. In a very real way, this issue is an embodiment of transnational labor – and in the digital world we live in, all labor has become transnational labor. As we have to contend with new borders that do not break an old order but reify it, we experienced firsthand, alongside our contributors, how capitalism drains our limits – how it becomes difficult to construct cohesive arguments, especially when these come with a deadline. We collectively became lost for words – because we are lost for worlds.
Feeling lost and alone in the world of heteropatriarchal capitalism is exactly why we need to re-evaluate and rethink our systems of care. In many ways, we turned this issue into a mission of finding pleasure in care. Because it has become more difficult to construct cohesive arguments, visual and creative mediums have come to the forefront. Many who used to write have turned to these mediums as ways to produce knowledge and cut through the mental fog that’s enveloped us all. We brought into the issue other voices, in addition to many whom you heard at the festival, as a way of opening up new conversations, and extending our horizons.
As we are robbed of our words, it is our political duty to continue to find ways to maintain and care for ourselves and each other. So much of our current realities are trying to erase and displace us, while still exploiting our labor. Our embodiment, therefore, becomes a form of resistance; it is the beginning of us finding our way out and into ourselves.
Enciende tu fuego feminista leyendo nuestras investigaciones y publicaciones varias sobre financiamiento, defensoras de derechos humanos, construcción de movimientos, fundamentalismos, justicia económica, seguimiento y evaluación feminista y más
"Pero, ¿ fue el maestro alguna vez
seducido por el poder?
¿Alguna vez se rompió
un sistema con aceptación ?
¿Cuándo el JEFE te entregará el poder con amor?
¿En Jo'Burg, en Cancún o en la ONU? - Molara Ogundipe
En una entrevista, realizada en la Feria Internacional del Libro de Ghana de 2010, Molara Ogundipe se presentó con estas palabras "...Soy una nigeriana. He vivido, posiblemente, en todo el mundo, excepto en la Unión Soviética y China".
A través de los diferentes continentes y países, la profesora Ogundipe enseñó literatura comparada, escritura, género y filología inglesa, y utilizó la literatura como vehículo para la transformación social y el replanteamiento de las relaciones de género.
Molara Ogundipe, como pensadora, escritora, editora, crítica social, poeta y activista feminista, logró combinar el trabajo teórico con la creatividad y la acción práctica. Se la considera una de las principales voces críticas de los feminismos africanos, los estudios de género y la teoría literaria.
Molara acuñó el concepto de "estiwanismo" a partir de las siglas STIWA (Social Transformations in Africa Including Women) [Transformaciones Sociales en África Incluyendo a las Mujeres], con el fin de reconocer la necesidad de “alejar la definición del feminismo y los feminismos en relación con Euro-América u otro lugar, y declamar lealtades o deslealtades". Con su obra fundamental, "Recreándonos Nosotras Mismas", de 1994, Molara Ogundipe (publicada bajo el nombre de Molara Ogundipe-Leslie) dejó tras de sí un inmenso cuerpo de conocimientos que descolonizó el discurso feminista y "re-centró a las mujeres africanas en sus completas y complejas narrativas... guiadas por una exploración de la liberación económica, política y social de las mujeres africanas y la restauración de la agencia femenina en las diferentes culturas de África".
Comentando los retos a los que se enfrentó como joven académica, dijo:
"Cuando empecé a hablar y escribir sobre el feminismo a finales de los años sesenta y en los setenta, se me veía como una chica buena y admirable que se había extraviado, una mujer cuya cabeza se había arruinado con un exceso de aprendizaje".
Molara Ogundipe se destacó por su liderazgo a la hora de combinar el activismo con el mundo académico; en 1977 fue una de las fundadoras de la Asociación de Mujeres en la Investigación y el Desarrollo, AAWORD (por sus siglas en inglés),. En 1982 fundó Mujeres en Nigeria, WIN (por sus siglas en inglés), con el fin de abogar por un acceso pleno a los "derechos económicos, sociales y políticos" para las mujeres nigerianas. Posteriormente, estableció y dirigió la Fundación Internacional para la Educación y el Monitoreo y pasó muchos años en el consejo editorial del periódico The Guardian.
Luego de haber crecido con el pueblo yoruba, sus tradiciones, cultura e idioma, dijo una vez:
"Creo que la celebración de la vida, de las personas que mueren después de una vida llena de logros, es uno de los aspectos más hermosos de la cultura yoruba".
El nombre de alabanza yoruba 'Oiki' de Molara era Ayike. Molara nació el 27 de diciembre de 1940 y falleció el 18 de junio de 2019 a la edad de 78 años, en Ijebu-Igbo, Estado de Ogun, Nigeria.
