Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power
Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.
Why resist extractive industries?
Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.
Critical risks and gender-specific violence
WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation. Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.
Acting together
AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.
We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.
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"Women Human Rights Defenders confronting extractive industries: an overview of critical risks and Human Rights obligations" is a policy report with a gender perspective. It analyses forms of violations and types of perpetrators, quotes relevant human rights obligations and includes policy recommendations to states, corporations, civil society and donors.
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"Weaving resistance through action: Strategies of Women Human Rights Defenders confronting extractive industries" is a practical guide outlining creative and deliberate forms of action, successful tactics and inspiring stories of resistance.
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The video “Defending people and planet: Women confronting extractive industries” puts courageous WHRDs from Africa, Asia, and Latin America in the spotlight. They share their struggles for land and life, and speak to the risks and challenges they face in their activism.
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Challenging corporate power: Struggles for women’s rights, economic and gender justice is a research paper outlining the impacts of corporate power and offering insights into strategies of resistance.
Share your experience and questions!
◾️ How can these resources support your activism and advocacy?
◾️ What additional information or knowledge do you need to make the best use of these resources?
Thank you!
AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!
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Nicole Barakat




somos infinitxs
Una exposición de Nicole Barakat que encarna su reconexión con los objetos de la diáspora de sus tierras ancestrales en la región del Sudoeste Asiático y África del Norte (SWANA, por sus siglas en inglés).
Barakat presenta una colección de obras textiles como manifestaciones de su práctica de conectarse con los objetos desplazados, y a menudo robados, que son exhibidos en colecciones de museos occidentales que incluyen el Museo del Louvre de París, el Museo Británico de Londres y el Nicholson Museum de Sydney.
Para burlar a los guardianes y fisurar las vitrinas que retienen estos objetos ancestrales, Barakat recupera formas de conocimiento precoloniales, no lineales y receptivas que son, a menudo, devaluadas y desestimadas por las instituciones coloniales y patriarcales, utilizando la adivinación con la borra del café, el trabajo con los sueños, la escucha intuitiva y las conversaciones con los objetos mismos (fuente).
Sobre Nicole Barakat

Sus trabajos incluyen dibujos en papel y en tela cortados y cosidos a mano, esculturas realizadas con su propio cabello, tela y materiales vegetales, así como obras en vivo en las que utiliza su voz como material.
La práctica creativa de Nicole está arraigada en el re-cuerdo y la re-colección de sus conocimientos ancestrales, incluyendo la adivinación con la borra del café y, más recientemente, el trabajo con esencias de plantas y flores para el cuidado y la sanación comunitaria.
Nicole’s creative practice is rooted in re-membering and re-gathering her ancestral knowing, including coffee divination and more recently working with plants and flower essences for community care and healing.
Snippet FEA Principles of work Transparency (EN)

TRANSPARENCY
Molara Ogundipe
“But when was the master
ever seduced from power?
When was a system ever broken
by acceptance?
when will the BOSS hand you power with love?
At Jo’Burg, at Cancun or the U.N?
– Molara Ogundipe
In an interview at the 2010 Ghana International Book Fair, Molara Ogundipe introduced herself with the words: “...I’m a Nigerian. I’ve lived possibly all over the world except for the Soviet Union and China.”
Across the different continents and countries, Professor Ogundipe taught comparative literature, writing, gender, and English studies using literature as a vehicle for social transformation and re-thinking gender relations.
A feminist thinker, writer, editor, social critic, poet, and activist Molara Ogundipe succeeded in combining theoretical work with creativity and practical action. She is considered to be one of the leading critical voices on African feminism(s), gender studies and literary theory.
Molara famously coined the concept of “stiwanism’ from the acronym STIWA – Social Transformations in Africa Including Women recognizing the need to move “away from defining feminism and feminisms in relation to Euro-America or elsewhere, and from declaiming loyalties or disloyalties.”
In her seminal work ‘Re-creating Ourselves’ in 1994, Molara Ogundipe (published under Molara Ogundipe-Leslie) left behind an immense body of knowledge that decolonized feminist discourse and “re-centered African women in their full, complex narratives...guided by an exploration of economic, political and social liberation of African women and restoration of female agency across different cultures in Africa.”
In speaking about the challenges she faced as a young academic she said:
”When I began talking and writing feminism in the late sixties and seventies, I was seen as a good and admirable girl who had gone astray, a woman whose head has been spoilt by too much learning".
Molara Ogundipe stood out for her leadership in combining activism and academia; in 1977 she was among the founding members of AAWORD, the Association of Women in Research and Development. In 1982 she founded WIN (Women In Nigeria) to advocate for full “economic, social and political rights” for Nigerian women. She then went on to establish and direct the Foundation for International Education and Monitoring and spent many years on the editorial board of The Guardian.
Growing up with the Yoruba people, their traditions, culture, and language she once said :
“I think the celebration of life, of people who pass away after an achieved life is one of the beautiful aspects of Yoruba culture.”
Molara’s Yoruba ‘Oiki’ praise name was Ayike. She was born on 27 December 1940 and at the age of 78, Molara passed away on 18 June 2019 in Ijebu-Igbo, Ogun State, Nigeria.
Contributors of toolkit (WITM landing page)
We would like to thank the contributors and advisors of this toolkit:
- Angelika Arutyunova
- Cindy Clark
- Kamardip Singh
- Martin Redfern
- Pei Yao Chen
- Srilatha Batliwala
- Veronica Vidal
Angiza Shinwari
هل يمكنني مشاركة الاستطلاع مع الآخرين/ الأخريات؟
نعم! الرجاء القيام بذلك! نشجعكم/ن على مشاركة رابط الاستطلاع في شبكاتكم/ن. سيسمح لنا جمع وجهات النظر أكثر تنوعاً، فهم البيئة التمويلية للحركات النسوية بشكل أكبر.
Les tendances antidroits au sein des systèmes régionaux des droits humains
Chapter 6
À la Commission africaine et au Système interaméricain, les antidroits promeuvent les notions essentialistes de culture et de genre pour miner les avancées en matière de droits et décrédibiliser la redevabilité. Les antidroits gagnent en influence dans les systèmes de protection des droits humains régionaux et internationaux.

2019 JUIN 27 Réunion du Groupe d'examen de la mise en œuvre du Sommet en Colombie
La Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples commence à présenter les droits des femmes et droits sexuels comme mettant en danger sa capacité à adresser les « droits réels » et contraires aux « valeurs africaines », un précédent inquiétant à l’égard des droits. Le retrait de son statut d’observatrice à la Coalition des lesbiennes africaines est un exemple de cette tendance, et traduit la répression de l’engagement féministe panafricaniste.
Au sein de l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) et du Système interaméricain de protection des droits humains, les stratégies antidroits incluent l’ONGisation de groupes religieux, l’adoption d’un langage séculier et la prise de contrôle de cadres discriminatoires. L’influence antidroits a pris plusieurs formes, et notamment l’intimidation d’activistes trans et l’entrave à l’introduction d’un langage progressif dans les résolutions.
Sommaire
- Réduire les féministes au silence au sein du Système africain de protection des droits humains
- Les groupes antidroits en Amérique latine : l’Assemblée générale de l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) et le Système interaméricain de protection des droits humains
Yamile Guerra
Yamile Guerra fue una conocida abogada, líder comunitaria y activista política de la región colombiana de Santander.
Trabajó activamente para resolver las disputas entre comunidades locales y empresas promotoras, y abogó contra la apropiación ilegal de las tierras. Yamile ocupó varios cargos políticos, entre ellos la Secretaría General del Gobierno de Santander en Bogotá, y se presentó también a la Alcaldía de Bucaramanga. En los últimos años de su vida, Yamile se volvió cada vez más activa en las causas medioambientales contra los desarrollos urbanos, particularmente, en la defensa de los humedales biodiversos de Santurbán contra los desarrollos urbanos, una región que abastece de agua dulce a casi 2 millones de personas .
Según su familia y amigxs, Yamile recibía amenazas de muerte a diario y había pedido protección a las autoridades.
"Ella era muy consciente de este problema [litigio de tierras] y manifestó repetidamente que se sentía insegura". - Alixon Navarro Muñoz, periodista y amigo de la familia Guerra.
El 20 de julio de 2019, Yamile fue asesinada a tiros por dos hombres en Floridablanca, Santander. Acababa de terminar de discutir con ellos por una disputa de tierras. Un sospechoso fue arrestado más tarde por su asesinato y admitió haber recibido un pago por llevar a cabo su asesinato. Según varios informes, o Yamile fue la tercera integrante de su familia en ser asesinada a causa de las disputas por tierras. El padre de Yamile, Hernando Guerra, había sido asesinado también varios años antes.
El asesinato de Yamile forma parte de una ola de violencia y asesinatos sistemáticos contra cientos de activistas sociales y defensorxs de los derechos humanos en Colombia. Según el Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz (INDEPAZ), en el momento de la muerte de Yamile, más de 700 líderes comunitarios y activistas de derechos humanos habían sido asesinadxs desde que el país firmó un acuerdo de paz en agosto de 2016. La mayoría de ellxs fueron asesinadxs por enfrentar el tráfico ilegal de drogas y las operaciones mineras. Las personas indígenas, afrocolombianas y las mujeres defensoras de derechos humanos son lxs activistas que corren mayor riesgo.
Menos de una semana después de la muerte de Yamile, miles de colombianxs marcharon por pueblos y ciudades sosteniendo fotos en blanco y negro de activistas que habían sido asesinadxs, en las pancartas se podía leer: "Sin líderes no puede haber paz" y "No más derramamientos de sangre".
Yamile Guerra tenía solo 42 años en el momento de su asesinato.
FRMag - United against violence (ES)
Juntas contra la violencia
por Karina Ocampo
A un rincón escondido de Chiapas, México, llegamos mujeres y disidencias sexuales para organizar nuestras acciones. (...)
< arte: «Proyecto fotográfico: La muerte sale por el Oriente», de Sonia MadrigalNaseeb Miloud Karfana
Membership why page - Loyiso Lindani
J’ai l’intime conviction que des femmes puissantes peuvent donner à d’autres femmes la possibilité d’être puissantes, c’est pourquoi je suis ravie d’être membre de l’AWID. La visibilité que j’ai reçue en faisant partie de la Street Team de la communauté AWID a élargi mes connaissances et ma façon d’envisager le Féminisme et l’intersectionnalité. J’espère que davantage de femmes se joindront à nous et porteront des thématiques et des idées qui aideront d’autres femmes..- Loyiso Lindani, Afrique du Sud.
Transnational Embodiments - Editor's Note
Lost For Words |
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| Chinelo Onwualu | Ghiwa Sayegh |
When we are desperate for change, as we are both in illness and insurrection, our language drains of complexity, becomes honed to its barest essentials... As illness and revolution persist, though, the language made in them and about them deepens, lets in more nuance, absorbed in the acutely human experience of encountering one’s limits at the site of the world’s end.
Johanna Hedva
When we began scheming for such an issue with Nana Darkoa, ahead of AWID’s Crear | Résister | Transform: a festival for feminist movements!, we departed from a question that is more of an observation of the state of the world – a desire to shift ground: why do our sexualities and pleasures continue to be tamed and criminalized even as we are told, over and over again, that they bring neither value nor progress? We came to the conclusion that when they are embodied, something about our sexualities works against a world order that continues to manifest itself in border controls, vaccine apartheids, settler colonialism, ethnic cleansing, and rampant capitalism. Could we speak, then, of the disruptive potential of our sexualities? Could we still do that when, in order to be resourced, our movements are co-opted and institutionalized.

When our embodied labor becomes profit in the hands of the systems we seek to dismantle, it is no wonder that our sexualities and pleasures are once again relegated to the sidelines – especially when they are not profitable enough. In many instances during the production of this issue, we asked ourselves what would happen if we refused to accommodate the essential services of capitalism. But can we dare ask that question when we are exhausted by the world? Perhaps our sexualities are so easily dismissed because they are not seen as forms of care. Perhaps what we need is to reimagine pleasure as a form of radical care – one that is also anti-capitalist and anti-institutional.
As we enter our second full year of a global pandemic, our approach to transnational embodiments has had to focus on a single political realization: that taking care is a form of embodiment. And because right now so much of our work is being done without consideration for the borders between and within ourselves, we are all Transnationally Embodied – and we are all failing. We are failing to take care of ourselves and more critically, to take care of each other.
This failure is not of our own making.
Many of our parents thought of labor as transactional, something to be given in exchange for compensation and a guarantee of care. And while that exchange was not always honored, our parents did not expect that their work would provide them fulfillment. They had their leisure, their hobbies, and their communities for that. Today, we their children, who have been conditioned to think of our labor as intertwined with our passion, have no such expectations. We think of work and leisure as one and the same. For too many of us, work has come to embody our whole selves.
However, heteropatriarchal capitalism doesn’t value us, let alone our labor or our sexualities. This is a system that will only demand more and more until you die. And when you die, it will replace you with somebody else. Expectations to be online round the clock mean we simply can’t get away from work, even when we want to. This commercialization of labor, divorcing it from the person, has infiltrated every aspect of our lives and is being perpetuated even in the most feminist, the most radical and revolutionary circles.
Capitalist expectations have always been particularly pernicious to bodies who don’t fit its ideal. And those seeking to consolidate their powers have used the pandemic as an opportunity to target women, sexual minorities, and any others that they see as less than.
This special issue exists because of, and certainly in spite of this.
Almost every contributor and staff member was pushing themselves past their capacity. Every single piece was produced from a place of passion, but also incredible burnout. In a very real way, this issue is an embodiment of transnational labor – and in the digital world we live in, all labor has become transnational labor. As we have to contend with new borders that do not break an old order but reify it, we experienced firsthand, alongside our contributors, how capitalism drains our limits – how it becomes difficult to construct cohesive arguments, especially when these come with a deadline. We collectively became lost for words – because we are lost for worlds.
Feeling lost and alone in the world of heteropatriarchal capitalism is exactly why we need to re-evaluate and rethink our systems of care. In many ways, we turned this issue into a mission of finding pleasure in care. Because it has become more difficult to construct cohesive arguments, visual and creative mediums have come to the forefront. Many who used to write have turned to these mediums as ways to produce knowledge and cut through the mental fog that’s enveloped us all. We brought into the issue other voices, in addition to many whom you heard at the festival, as a way of opening up new conversations, and extending our horizons.

As we are robbed of our words, it is our political duty to continue to find ways to maintain and care for ourselves and each other. So much of our current realities are trying to erase and displace us, while still exploiting our labor. Our embodiment, therefore, becomes a form of resistance; it is the beginning of us finding our way out and into ourselves.
Snippet FEA We are living in a world right (FR)
Nous vivons dans un monde où la destruction de la Nature alimente notre économie mondiale actuelle. Même en période de crise climatique, les gouvernements continuent d'encourager les industries agricoles à grande échelle à se développer. Ces activités empoisonnent la terre, menacent la biodiversité et détruisent la production alimentaire et les moyens de subsistance locaux. Pendant ce temps, alors que les femmes produisent la majorité de la nourriture dans le monde, elles ne possèdent presque aucune terre.
Et si nous percevions la terre et la Nature non pas comme une propriété privée à exploiter, mais comme une totalité avec laquelle vivre, apprendre et coexister harmonieusement ? Et si nous réparions nos relations avec la terre et adoptions des alternatives plus durables qui nourrissent à la fois la planète et ses communautés?
Nous Sommes la Solution (NSS) est l'un des nombreux mouvements dirigés par des femmes qui s'efforcent d'atteindre cet objectif.
Voici leur histoire.
Binta Sarr
Binta Sarr était une activiste pour la justice sociale, économique, culturelle et politique, en plus d’avoir occupé le poste d’ingénieure hydraulique au Sénégal. Après 13 années de service, celle-ci a choisi de quitter le fonctionnariat pour travailler auprès de femmes rurales et marginalisées.
Cet engagement a donné lieu à la création de l’Association pour la promotion des femmes sénégalaises (APROFES), un mouvement de base auquel est venu se greffer une organisation fondée par Binta en 1987. L’une de ses approches était la formation au leadership, non seulement dans le cadre d’activités économiques mais également en lien avec les droits des femmes et leur accès à des fonctions décisionnelles.
“« Les populations à la base doivent s’organiser, se mobiliser, assumer le contrôle citoyen et exiger une gouvernance démocratique dans tous les secteurs de l’espace public. La priorité des mouvements sociaux doit aller au-delà de la lutte contre la pauvreté et être axée sur des programmes de développement articulés et cohérents en adéquation avec les principes des droits humains, tout en prenant en compte leurs besoins et leurs préoccupations tant au niveau national, sous régional que dans une perspective d’intégration africaine et mondiale. » – Binta Sarr
Ancrée dans la conviction de Binta, à savoir que les changements essentiels dans le statut des femmes nécessitent la transformation des attitudes masculines, APROFES a adopté une approche interdisciplinaire et s’est appuyée sur la radio, les séminaires et le théâtre populaire, offert une éducation publique innovante et apporté un soutien culturel aux actions de sensibilisation. Sa troupe de théâtre populaire a créé des pièces sur le thème des castes dans la société sénégalaise, de l’alcoolisme et de la violence conjugale. Binta et son équipe ont également pris en compte l’interconnexion essentielle entre la communauté et le monde élargi.
« Pour APROFES, il s’agit d’étudier et de prendre en compte les interactions entre le micro et le macro, le local et le mondial, ainsi que les différentes facettes du développement. De l’esclavage à la colonisation, le néo-colonialisme et la marchandisation du développement humain, qui représentent la majeure partie des ressources d’Afrique et du Tiers-Monde (pétrole, or, minéraux et autres ressources naturelles), demeurent sous le contrôle des cartels financiers et autres multinationales qui dominent ce monde mondialisé. » – Binta Sarr
Binta était également l’une des membres fondatrices de la section féminine de l’Association culturelle et sportive Magg Daan, et a reçu des mentions élogieuses de la part du gouverneur régional et du ministre de l’Hydrologie pour sa « dévotion aux populations rurales ».
Née en 1954 dans la petite ville de Guiguineo, Binta est décédée en septembre 2019.
Hommages:
« La perte est incommensurable, la douleur est lourde et profonde mais nous allons résister pour ne pas pleurer Binta; nous allons garder l’image de son large sourire en toutes circonstances, pour résister et nous inspirer d’elle, maintenir, consolider et développer son œuvre... » – Page Facebook de l’APROFES, 24 septembre 2019
« Adieu, Binta! Nul doute que ton immense héritage sera préservé. » – Elimane FALL, président de l’ACS Magg-Daan

