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Special Focus

AWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights

Women Human Rights Defenders

WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.

The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.


Risks and threats targeting WHRDs  

WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.

By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:

  • Physical assault and death
  • Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
  • Judicial harassment and criminalization
  • Burnout

A collaborative, holistic approach to safety

We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership

  • to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
  • to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk

We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:

  • emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
  • documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
  • promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
  • building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles

Our Actions

We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.

  • Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to  strengthen  responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.

  • Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa  Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;

  • Increasing the visibility and recognition of  WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:

  • Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.

Related Content

Maritza Quiroz Leiva

Maritza Quiroz Leiva fue una activista social afrocolombiana, líder comunitaria y defensora de los derechos humanos de las mujeres. Como una de las 7,7 millones de colombianxs desplazadxs internamente por 50 años de conflicto armado, Maritza dedicó su trabajo de incidencia a apoyar los derechos de otras personas, en particular dentro de la comunidad afrocolombiana, que sufrían similares desplazamientos y violaciones de derechos.

Maritza era líder adjunta del Comité de Víctimas de Santa Marta, y una voz importante para quienes buscaban justicia en su comunidad, exigiendo reparaciones por las torturas, los secuestros, los desplazamientos y la violencia sexual que experimentaban las víctimas durante el conflicto armado. También trabajó activamente en el movimiento nacional por la redistribución de la tierra y la justicia agraria.

El 5 de enero de 2019 Maritza fue asesinada por dos individuos armados que irrumpieron en su casa. Tenía 60 años.

Maritza se sumó así a lxs otrxs cinco activistas y líderes sociales colombianxs que fueron asesinadxs durante la primera semana de 2019. En Colombia, ese año fueron asesinadxs un total de 107 defensorxs de derechos humanos.
 

Snippet FEA collaborator and allies Photo 3 (FR)

La représente cinq femmes (Sopo se tient au milieu) debout en haut d'un escalier, devant un mur de pierre, tenant des pancartes sur lesquelles sont écrits des slogans géorgiens.
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框架與主題

第十四屆AWID國際論壇的主題是:“女性主義理念實現:行動的力量”。

在第十四屆論壇上,我們將表揚與彰顯在我們身邊,處於各種發展階段的女性主義理念實現行動。

我們希望將本次論壇變成我們的女性主義理念實現行動:在這裡你可以進入在一個不同的世界,帶著你的勝利佳績、你所設計的解決方案前來,分享讓你更加強大、充滿希望、做好前行準備的事物。本次盛會有別於您之前參加過的其他會議。

請您務必共襄盛舉,攜手創造世界。絕對值得​!

 


每個論壇都有一個主題,該主題反映了我們成員和運動的需求,並回應我們對當前背景脈絡的分析。

全球背景脈絡

當前,全球各地的法西斯主義、基本教義主義、威權主義以及不受約束的企業權力方興未艾。我們看到,這些威脅與國家協力形塑了公共規範、敘事論述和政策,在公共論述中深植了恐懼和仇恨的文化,並煽動暴力。國家,曾經是我們權利倡議和主張權利的對象,但在許多情況下,國家不再覺得需要負責,甚至在某些情況下,國家自己也不再具有維護權利的權力了。

這個動盪、複雜和充滿不確定性的時代,更需要發揮創造力,組織各種運動,保持需求的連貫性並大膽提出主張。

從女性主義的將來到女性主義的理念實現

2016年的AWID論壇以女性主義的未來及付諸實現所需的條件為中心。無論是當時還是現在都很明顯不過,對於許多社會正義運動來說,若想跳出當前的體制之外去思考結構性的解決方案是一個艱鉅挑戰。長期的不平等和壓迫的經驗會限縮想像力。但是當時我們周遭的所見所聞顯示女性主義運動確實生機勃發,以各種大小規模都有的方式推動了權利和正義為導向理念實現與解決方案。

我們確實看到了對於動員的迫切需求,但動員的起點不是從最低的共同點開始,動員應源於希望。這分希望源自於肯定,世界各地的經驗與實踐體現了更加正義的生存方式,儘管不盡完美,從這些經驗出發,藉由分享、加強與壯大,我們可以幫助其擴大影響力。

這些並非不可能實現的夢想,而是以實現的生活。凡事皆有可能的感受啟發我們去重新審視和重新欣賞我們的工作具備的轉化面向。


全球女性主義理念實現的一些例子

在AWID,我們知道鮮活的女性主義理念實現典範是,代表一個有望實現的世界。這些多元的理念實現經驗蘊含再現了希望和力量。深植於多種生活思考與實踐的方式,向我們證明有不一樣的可能:從我們日常生活和彼此之間的關係的日常表達到治理和正義的替代制度。女性主義理念實現經驗抵制諸如父權制度、資本主義和白人至上的宰制權力制度。

以上皆為強而有力的主張,引導我們看到具備可能性的願景,並證明了女性主義組織是如何在世界各地的運動和社群中開疆拓土,開闢通往正義的道路。 

  • 在美國密西西比州傑克遜城一個被深度邊緣化的黑人社區透過傑克遜合作(Cooperation Jackson)平台,展開了社區團結和合作經濟的實驗,這項計劃雄心勃勃,有別於資本主義的生產方式,要建立社群共有精神。

  • 在西非,女性農民對抗圈地並拒絕工業化的農業計畫,勇敢主張「我們就是解決方案(We Are The Solution)」,此運動旨在建立農業生態解決方案,以女性農民及其知識為中心,讓社群可以獲得溫飽並減緩氣候變遷

  • 同樣,在印度有5000名婦女根據地方知識,共同建立了以社群為基礎的糧食主權制度,包括穀物和種子銀行

  • 墨西哥的婦女開創了一個無錢交易的經濟計畫,該計畫由婦女主導,並為其他婦女以及她們所認識的每個人服務。在El Cambalache計畫中,一切交換物都具有相同的價值:人們用不再需要的東西去交換他們想要的東西,也包括想分享的知識、能力和互助。El Cambalache計畫建立在當地社會運動的反制度、反資本主義價值觀之上

  • 在羅賈瓦,庫德人在沒有國家的情況下建立了民主制度。庫爾德婦女將女性學(Jineology)作為挑戰父權制度、資本主義和國家機器的框架,創建了將這一框架付諸實踐的制度和機構

  • 在英國,Anarcho Agony Aunts是一個關於性和約會的諮詢節目,涵蓋了女性主義者、反法西斯主義者和無政府主義者的各種觀點。主持人羅文和馬里亞姆正在從另類右派中奪回空間,讓人們(主要是男人)在不受批判的空間內提出棘手問題

  • 非洲女性主義判決計畫起草並廣傳了一系列關於重大非洲里程碑司法案件的另類判決。該計畫的核心精神提出了女性主義司法實踐和替代性的女性主義判決,對非洲法學、法律實務和司法決貢獻卓著。

  • 印度的烏沙合作社(Usha Cooperative)是在主流銀行拒絕向Sonagachi地區的性工作者提供服務時成立的。性工作者自發組織起來,優先解決其經濟問題並建立自己的金融機構。烏沙合作社是一家合作銀行,服務2萬多名性工作者,並在一年內提供7231名性工作者470萬美元的貸款。該銀行完全由性工作者組成,為合作社的治理和管理帶來了真正的所有權和影響力,為個人和社群服務,開創了建立經濟實力的自主先驅模式

  • 在波多黎各,一個社區土地信託基金協助了非正式居住區轉型為永續的社區,該社區處於受到污染的易氾濫河道。該基金為改善城市中的非正式定居區域點提供了一種新模式,如果沒有她們的幫助,當地的原始居民根本負擔不起

  • 在幾個拉丁美洲國家,社運人士提供了醫療人工流產提同儕的諮詢和陪伴,奪回女性身體的自主權和獲得醫療知識的權利。(出於安全原因,此處未提供相關的鏈接)


第十四屆AWID國際論壇

AWID論壇將按照6大主軸安排:

  • 社群、運動和經濟正義的資源
  • 治理、當責與正義
  • 數位化的現實
  • 身體、愉悅和健康
  • 女性主義星球與生命
  • 組織女性主義運動

主軸詳情請見此

基於這些理念實現的經驗,我們希望2020年的論壇能夠:

  • 鞏固女性主義理念實現的力量:通過點名、表揚、壯大和貢獻等方式,從這些經驗及主張出發,累積動能,凸顯可能性並豐富我們的集體想像力。
  • 補充希望和能量的泉源:為人權與正義社會運動及韌性提供必要的能量。
  • 加強聯繫、互惠和團結:服務各種多元的女性主義運動以及其他權利和正義為本的社會運動。

論壇是一個協作過程

該論壇不僅僅是一個四天的會議,是女性主義理念實現的運動茁壯旅程的一個中繼站,我們已經出發,論壇結束後也會繼續前行。

加入我們的旅程吧!

هل عليّ القيام بأي تجهيزات قبل تعبئة الاستطلاع؟

يركّز استطلاع "أين المال" على وقائع التمويل للتنظيمات النسوية، تسأل أغلبية الأسئلة عن تمويل مجموعتكم/ن بين الأعوام 2021-2023. سوف تحتاجون أن تكون لديكم/ن معلومات معيّنة عند تعبئة الاستطلاع مثل ميزانيتكم/ن السنوية ومصادر التمويل الأساسية.

Roxana Reyes Rivas

Roxana Reyes Rivas, était une philosophe, féministe, lesbienne, poétesse, politicienne et activiste pour les droits des personnes LGBT et des femmes du Costa Rica. Auteure à la plume acérée et à l’humour incisif, elle était irrésistiblement drôle. Née en 1960 et élevée à San Ramón dans la province d’Alajuela, qui était encore une localité rurale à l’époque, elle a toute sa vie refusé d’adhérer aux attentes envers « les femmes ».   

Avec le groupe de lesbiennes costariciennes El Reguero, Roxana a organisé pendant plus de dix ans des festivals lesbiens, de joyeux espaces de formation où se rassembler à une époque où le gouvernement du Costa Rica et la société persécutaient et pénalisaient l’existence des lesbiennes. Ces festivals lesbiens étaient, pour des centaines de femmes, le seul endroit où elles pouvaient être elles-mêmes et se regrouper avec leurs semblables.

Roxana aimait répéter que la formation de partis politiques comptait parmi ses passe-temps. « Il est important que les gens comprennent qu’il y a d’autres manières de faire de la politique, et que de nombreuses questions doivent être résolues collectivement. » Elle fut également l’une des fondatrices des partis Nueva Liga Feminista et VAMOS, centrés sur les droits humains.

« La philosophie est faite pour bousculer, pour aider les gens à se poser des questions. Une philosophe qui n’irrite personne ne fait pas son travail. » Pendant 30 ans, Roxana a enseigné la philosophie dans plusieurs universités publiques du Costa Rica. Des générations d’étudiant·e·ss ont suivi ses directives et réfléchi aux dilemmes éthiques que posent la science et les technologies.  

L’outil de prédilection de Roxana était l’humour. Elle a créé le prix de l’ignorance La Citrouille étincelante, qu’elle décernait à des personnalités publiques sur ses réseaux sociaux, tournant en dérision leurs expressions et déclarations anti-droits.  

Roxana a été emportée par un cancer agressif fin 2019, avant qu’elle ne puisse publier son recueil de poèmes, qu’elle aurait voulu être le cadeau de départ de l’esprit créatif d’une féministe qui a toujours élevé sa voix contre l’injustice.

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Lines of work:

AGAINST

Why did AWID choose Taipei as the location for the Forum?

AWID spent close to two years working to identify a Forum location in the Asia Pacific region (the Forum location rotates regions).

Building on initial desk research and consultations with allies that led us to rule out many other options in the region, we organized a thorough round of site visits to Nepal, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia and (later) Taiwan. 

Each site visit included not just scoping the logistical infrastructure but meeting with local feminist groups and activists to better understand the context, and their sense of potential opportunities and risks of an AWID forum in their context.

In our site visits, we found incredibly vibrant, diverse local feminist movements.

They often expressed conflicted feelings about the opportunities and risk that the visibility of an event like the Forum could bring to them. In one, during the first 30 minutes of our meeting we heard unanimously from the activists gathered that an AWID Forum would be subject to huge backlash, that LGBTQ rights were a particular political hot-button and that fundamentalist groups would turn out in full force to interrupt the event. When our response was “ok, then you don’t feel it’s a good idea”, again the unanimous response was “of course it is, we want to change the narrative!”.

It was difficult to hear and see in some of these places how many feminist activists wanted to leverage the opportunity of a visible big event and were prepared to face the local risks; but our considerations as hosts of close to 2,000 people from around the world impose a different calculation of risk and feasibility.

We also grappled with questions of what it means to organize a feminist forum that is aligned to principles around inclusion, reciprocity and self-determination, when state policy and practice is usually directly counter to that (although officials in the ministries of Tourism work very hard to smooth that over).

We weighed considerations of infrastructure, with potential opportunity to tip momentum on some national level feminist agendas, and national political context.

In many of these places, monitoring the context felt like an exercise on a pendulum that could swing from open and safe for feminist debates in one moment to stark repression and xenophobia the next, sacrificing feminist priorities as political bargaining chips to pacify right wing, anti-rights forces.

The process has been a sobering reflection on the incredibly challenging context for women’s rights and gender justice activism globally.

Our challenges in Asia Pacific led us to consider: would it be easier if we moved the Forum to a different region? Yet today, we would not be able to organize an AWID Forum in Istanbul as we did in 2012; nor would we be able to do one in Brazil as we did in 2016.

With all of this complexity, AWID selected Taipei as the Forum location because:

  • It offers a moderate degree of stability and safety for the diversity of Forum participants we will convene.
  • it also has strong logistical capacities, and is accessible for many travellers (with a facilitated e-visa process for international conferences).
  • The local feminist movement is welcoming of the Forum and keen to engage with feminists from across the globe.

In organizing the AWID Forum, we are trying to build and hold space as best we can for the diverse expressions of solidarity, outrage, hope and inspiration that are at the core of feminist movements.

At this moment, we see Taipei as the location in the Asia Pacific region that will best allow us to build that safe and rebelious space for our global feminist community.

The fact is, there is no ideal location in today’s world for a Forum that centers Feminist Realities. Wherever we go, we must build that space together!

Вы просите указать название группы/организации и/или движения и контактную информацию – почему?

Мы запрашиваем эти данные, чтобы облегчить просмотр ответов, избежать дублирования и иметь возможность связаться с вашей организацией в случае, если вы не смогли завершить опрос и/или если у вас возникли сомнения или дополнительные вопросы. Здесь вы можете узнать больше о том, как мы используем личную информацию, которую собираем в ходе нашей работы.

Nilcéa Freire

Nilcéa Freire was a Brazilian feminist activist, politician and academic. A persevering advocate for women’s rights and those of underrepresented minorities in the country, her life and work carried a long history of struggles and victories.

"While resisting we have to keep pushing for progress, and what we can achieve at this time, in my view, will be through the stupendous organization of young white women, and especially black women, in all of the state capitals and large cities of Brazil." - Nilcéa Freire

In 1999 she became the first woman to occupy the position of Dean at the State University of Rio de Janeiro. Here, she spearheaded the implementation of the first affirmative action policy for students graduating from public schools, requiring reserved places specifically for low-income black students in a public university. This system was adopted in dozens of other public universities. 

Some years later, Nilcéa headed the Special Secretariat of Policies for Women in the government of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In this capacity, she led the first National Women’s Conference. Over 12,000 women from across the country participated and the result of this collective work was embodied in the National Plan for Policies for Women. 

Her commitment to women, Afro-Brazilians and indigenous peoples was also strongly reflected in her work to promote their rights through initiatives of the Brazil Ford Foundation office where she was a regional director. 

The feminist activist Manoela Miklos recounted Nilcéa to be "a woman without equal"

At the age of 66, Nilcéa passed away in Rio de Janeiro on 29 December 2019 of cancer.


"Without words for the news of the death of dear Nilcea Freire. It is too sad to know that she left so early. She was always part of the ranks of those who do not settle for the injustices of the world. She was the Minister of Women, an activist, always active in the feminist cause. Much missed!” - Jandira Feghali, Federal Deputy

Watch Brazilian feminist Nilcea Freire on why we need to show solidarity with Brazil

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Ilustración de una mano de piel blanca que sostiene dinero rosa sobre un fondo turquesa.

SALARIOS DECENTES

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Reason to join 1

Forma parte de una organización feminista de membresía internacional y de una comunidad. Nuestrxs afiliadxs residen en todas las regiones del mundo. Aprenden entre sí y se brindan apoyo mutuo en una red global fundada en la solidaridad.

Вместе под Зонтом: Феминизм и Права Секс-Работниц/ков

Ассоциация «Права женщин в развитии» и Фонд «Красный зонт» приглашают Вас принять участие  в диспуте-семинаре на тему феминизма и секс-работы.


Вместе под Зонтом: Феминизм и Права Секс-Работниц/ков

10 ноября 2020г. в 14:00 по UTC (сверьтесь с вашим местным временем)

В рамках данной сессии, сотрудницы (-ки) Ассоциации «Права женщин в развитии» будут делиться своими знаниями и опытом работы в условиях виртуального общения. Мы поговорим об основных сложностях и интерсекциональности в работе секс-работниц (-ков) и феминисток (-ов).

Подумайте над своими вопросами!

Для участниц (-ков) будет предоставлен перевод на испанский, французский и русский языки.


Спикеры

Кей Тхи Вин 

Кей Тхи является секс-работницей и с 2007 года лоббирует вопросы здоровья и прав секс-работниц (-ков). За последние девять лет она участвовала в программе по предупреждению ВИЧ среди женщин, работающих в секс-индустрии, и мужчин, имеющих половые связи с мужчинами, в Мьянме. В настоящее время Кей Тхи является региональной координаторкой  Азиатско-Тихоокеанской сети секс-работниц (-ков) (АТССР) и работает с партнерами по всему Азиатско-Тихоокеанскому региону.

Гитанджали Мишра 

Гитанджали является соосновательницей и исполнительной директоркой организации CREA (Нью-Дели). Она феминистка и любительница кино, работала по вопросам сексуальности, репродуктивного здоровья, гендера, прав человека и насилия в отношении женщин на различных уровнях - в качестве активистки, грантодательницы и на директивном уровне.

Вера Родригез

Вера присоединилась к фонду «Красный зонт» в августе 2017 года в качестве сотрудницы по программам. Вера родилась в Испании, где окончила факультет журналистики Университета Сан Пабло в Валенсии. Последние 7 лет она является активной участницей организации «X-talk», очень вовлечена в работу Коллектива Стриптизерш (-ров) Восточного Лондона, а также является участницей съемочной группы «Опера секс-работниц (-ков)».

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Leah Tumbalang

Leah Tumbalang fue una mujer lumad de Mindanao, en Filipinas. La historia del pueblo indígena lumad abarca generaciones de resistencia contra la minería corporativa a gran escala, de protección de los territorios ancestrales, los recursos y la cultura, y de lucha por la autodeterminación.

Leah era una líder lumad, y dirigente de Kaugalingong Sistema Igpasasindog to Lumadnong Ogpaan (Kasilo), una organización lumad y campesina que lucha contra la instalación de corporaciones mineras en Bukidnon, en la provincia de Mindanao. Fue inclaudicable en su activismo anti minería, al emprender con fervor campañas  contra los efectos devastadores de la extracción de minerales en el medio ambiente y las tierras de los pueblos indígenas. Era también una organizadora política de la lista electoral Bayan Muna, que integra el partido político de izquierda Makabayan.

Durante casi una década Leah (junto con otrxs integrantes de Kasilo) recibió amenazas debido a su oposición al despliegue de grupos paramilitares, que se cree son respaldados por intereses mineros.

«Como líder lumad de su comunidad, ella está en la primera línea de lucha por sus derechos a la tierra ancestral y a la autodeterminación.» - Kalumbay Regional Lumad Organization

Estar en la vanguardia de la resistencia también significa, a menudo, ser un blanco para la violencia y la impunidad, y Leah no solamente recibió numerosas amenazas de muerte, sino que fue asesinada el 23 de agosto de 2019 en la ciudad de Valencia, en Bukidnon.

Según un informe de Global Witness, «en números absolutos, Filipinas fue el país peor afectado» en lo que respecta a activistas ambientalistas asesinadxs en 2018.


Lee el informe de Global Witness, publicado en julio de 2019

Descubre más sobre las mujeres lumad de Filipinas y su lucha intergeneracional por la autodeterminación