
Esperanza Brito

AWID’s Tribute is an art exhibition honouring feminists, women’s rights and social justice activists from around the world who are no longer with us.
This year’s tribute tells stories and shares narratives about those who co-created feminist realities, have offered visions of alternatives to systems and actors that oppress us, and have proposed new ways of organising, mobilising, fighting, working, living, and learning.
49 new portraits of feminists and Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) are added to the gallery. While many of those we honour have passed away due to old age or illness, too many have been killed as a result of their work and who they are.
This increasing violence (by states, corporations, organized crime, unknown gunmen...) is not only aimed at individual activists but at our joint work and feminist realities.
The portraits of the 2020 edition are designed by award winning illustrator and animator, Louisa Bertman.
AWID would like to thank the families and organizations who shared their personal stories and contributed to this memorial. We join them in continuing the remarkable work of these activists and WHRDs and forging efforts to ensure justice is achieved in cases that remain in impunity.
“They tried to bury us. They didn’t know we were seeds.” - Mexican Proverb
It took shape with a physical exhibit of portraits and biographies of feminists and activists who passed away at AWID’s 12th International Forum, in Turkey. It now lives as an online gallery, updated every year.
To date, 467 feminists and WHRDs are featured.
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
Les Femmes Maintiennent les Soins | Les Soins Soutiennent la Vie | La Vie Soutient l'Économie | Qui s'Occupe des Femmes ? | Pas Une de Moins1 | Ensemble | Déjeuner du Dimanche
1Nenhuna a menos se traduit littéralement par « pas une femme de moins » ou « ni una menos » en espagnol - un célèbre slogan féministe en Amérique latine qui a émergé en Argentine en réponse à l'augmentation de la violence sexiste.
📅 Mercredi 13 mars
🕒10 h 30 - 12 h HNE
Organisateurs : AWID, Réseau-DESC, Franciscan International, Womankind Worldwide dans le cadre de Feminists For a Binding Treaty
🏢 Church Center des Nations Unies, 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, 11e étage
Barin integraba la unidad de batalla formada íntegramente por mujeres de la Unidad de Protección del Pueblo Kurdo (YPG).
La mataron cuando estaba en servicio activo.
La periodista libanesa Hifaa Zuaiter escribió: «Barin representa todo lo que hemos oído acerca del coraje de las combatientes kurdas, y su muerte es mucho más que el matar a un rival o el resultado de una lucha política o étnica. El horror de exhibir su cuerpo sólo porque es una mujer surge del hecho de que ella se atrevió a amenazar la hegemonía masculina al convertirse en una combatiente en un campo de batalla que se suponía era solo para hombres».
Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.
When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.
We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.
The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.
At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’
Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.
As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.
In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.
To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.
The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.
In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.
Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.
When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.
Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.
Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.
However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.
On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”
The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”
Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”
Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA). Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.
One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.
Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.
While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.
[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues. Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.
[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.
作為對AWID論壇各方面可訪問性承諾的一部分,我們接受那些無法提交書面申請的個人/組織/團體提交自己的音頻或視頻等。
如果您選擇以音頻/視頻格式提交提案,請按照相同的順序回答活動申請表格中詳細的問題。
若您要提交音頻/視頻文件,請與我們聯繫,選擇“論壇活動徵集”作為電子郵件的主題。
Meet Clemencia Carabalí Rodallega, an extraordinary Afro-Colombian feminist.
She has worked relentlessly for three decades towards the safeguarding of human rights, women’s rights and peace-building in conflict areas on the Pacific Coast of Colombia.
Clemencia has made significant contributions to the fight for truth, reparations and justice for the victims of Colombia’s civil war. She received the National Award for the Defense of Human Rights in 2019, and also participated in the campaign of newly elected Afro-Colombian and long-time friend, vice-president Francia Marquez.
Although Clemencia has faced and continues to face many hardships, including threats and assassination attempts, she continues to fight for the rights of Afro-Colombian women and communities across the country.
Reflects on the funding ecosystem and trends impacting feminist, women’s rights, gender justice, LBTQI+ and allied movements regionally and globally
Jacqueline était une éducatrice malienne pionnière de la cause féministe et nationaliste.
Elle a d’abord enseigné l'anglais au Sénégal avant d'être recrutée en 1961 par le Lycée Philippe Zinda Kaboré à Ouagadougou, au Burkina Faso. Etant donné son engagement militant, elle a pris part au soulèvement populaire du 3 janvier 1966. Entre 1961 et 1966, Jacqueline était par ailleurs responsable de la presse syndicale, La voix des enseignants. Elle a été nommée directrice du Cours normal des jeunes filles (aujourd’hui connu sous le nom de lycée Nelson Mandela) jusqu'en 1974 et s'est consacrée à l'éducation des filles et à la promotion des droits des femmes.
En 1984, elle a reçu le prix Paul G. Hoffmann pour sa contribution remarquable en matière de développement national et international.
Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID
Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits
所有參與者的AWID論壇註冊費包括:
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
|
|
Activistas de Metzineres en acción |
Para fortalecer nuestra voz y poder colectivos para obtener más y mejor financiamiento para las organizaciones feministas, por los derechos de las mujeres y de las personas LBTQI+ y demás organizaciones aliadas de todo el mundo.
Known as “Ate Liza,” Annaliza was the president of the Agrarian Reform Council for Mindanao Pioneers, an umbrella group in Tacurong City, Philippines.
A loved mother of four, teacher and community leader, Annaliza is remembered by her community as “she who leads when no one wants to lead, she who talks when no one wants to talk, she who stood with courage to help the agrarian reform beneficiaries to own lands.”
Annaliza was shot dead by unknown assailants in front of the Sultan Kudarat State University (SKSU) while on her way to Salabaca National High School in Esperanza.
Her family have said “Naghihintay pa rin kami ng hustisya para sa kanya” (we are still waiting justice for her).
Click on the image to open the PDF
![]() |
Where we are now |
Where we want to be |
Current funding by sector |
Download & share | Download & share | Download & share |
AWID論壇不僅是一個活動,更是我們女權主義現實實踐之旅的一部分。有許多空間可以供參會者在線和離線地聚集在一起,用於共享、討論、制定戰略和共同創建女權主義現實實踐。
在論壇之前瞭解有關女權主義現實實踐之旅的更多信息。(In English) 加入我們的郵件列表,可隨時關注論壇結束後的公告!
我們正在探索以虛擬的方式參與論壇,而且會即時地分享信息一旦我們確定可以提供任何信息。
Vous pouvez suivre le travail de ces collectifs sur les réseaux sociaux et sites internet suivant: