Guatemala - Rural Women Diversify Incomes and Build Resilience
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Priority Areas
Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.
Building Feminist Economies is about creating a world with clean air to breath and water to drink, with meaningful labour and care for ourselves and our communities, where we can all enjoy our economic, sexual and political autonomy.
In the world we live in today, the economy continues to rely on women’s unpaid and undervalued care work for the profit of others. The pursuit of “growth” only expands extractivism - a model of development based on massive extraction and exploitation of natural resources that keeps destroying people and planet while concentrating wealth in the hands of global elites. Meanwhile, access to healthcare, education, a decent wage and social security is becoming a privilege to few. This economic model sits upon white supremacy, colonialism and patriarchy.
Adopting solely a “women’s economic empowerment approach” is merely to integrate women deeper into this system. It may be a temporary means of survival. We need to plant the seeds to make another world possible while we tear down the walls of the existing one.
We believe in the ability of feminist movements to work for change with broad alliances across social movements. By amplifying feminist proposals and visions, we aim to build new paradigms of just economies.
Our approach must be interconnected and intersectional, because sexual and bodily autonomy will not be possible until each and every one of us enjoys economic rights and independence. We aim to work with those who resist and counter the global rise of the conservative right and religious fundamentalisms as no just economy is possible until we shake the foundations of the current system.
Our Actions
Our work challenges the system from within and exposes its fundamental injustices:
Advance feminist agendas: We counter corporate power and impunity for human rights abuses by working with allies to ensure that we put forward feminist, women’s rights and gender justice perspectives in policy spaces. For example, learn more about our work on the future international legally binding instrument on “transnational corporations and other business enterprises with respect to human rights” at the United Nations Human Rights Council.
Mobilize solidarity actions: We work to strengthen the links between feminist and tax justice movements, including reclaiming the public resources lost through illicit financial flows (IFFs) to ensure social and gender justice.
Build knowledge: We provide women human rights defenders (WHRDs) with strategic information vital to challenge corporate power and extractivism. We will contribute to build the knowledge about local and global financing and investment mechanisms fuelling extractivism.
Create and amplify alternatives: We engage and mobilize our members and movements in visioning feminist economies and sharing feminist knowledges, practices and agendas for economic justice.
“The corporate revolution will collapse if we refuse to buy what they are selling – their ideas, their version of history, their wars, their weapons, their notion of inevitability. Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing”.
Arundhati Roy, War Talk
Related Content
Seven feminist policy recommendations to curb illicit financial flows
The growing dominance of international financial markets and institutions in defining global economic policies has resulted in the capture of people’s power in the interest of global elites and big corporations.
Our policy brief on Illicit Financial Flows explores their disproportional gender impact and unveils the current legal and political frameworks that allow multinational corporations to benefit from tax abuse to the detriment of people and planet.
The brief concludes with these seven feminist policy recommendations to demand transparency and corporate accountability in order to curb illicit financial flows.
Our recommendations for advocacy
Illicit financial flows are gaining unprecedented attention: whether in development negotiations, like those leading to Agenda 2030 and the Addis Ababa Financing for Development Conference in 2015; or making headlines in mainstream media with the release of leaked documents on offshore finance known as the ‘Panama Papers’. In another example, the Ecuadorean people voted to bar politicians and civil servants from having assets, companies or capital in tax havens, in a referendum in February 2017. The Ecuadorian government is now a leading voice within the group of G77, in the United Nations, to create a UN global tax body to end tax havens.
This public attention potentially builds momentum for feminists, social movements and tax justice advocates to pressure for the transformation of the global financial system, which entrenches global inequalities, including gendered inequalities.
We offer below a set of seven policy asks as a contribution to growing advocacy efforts from social justice, feminist, women’s rights and gender equality actors:
1. Address IFFs as a violation of human rights and women’s rights:
Illicit financial flows are hindering the fulfillment of the obligation of States to mobilise the maximum available resources for the realisation of human rights, including long agreed commitments on women’s rights and gender equality.
Strengthening corporate accountability is a possibility on the table at the UN Human Rights Council. An open-ended intergovernmental working group is in place to elaborate an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises. This process has the potential to address corporate tax evasion as a violation of human rights, including women’s rights, and should be greater supported by countries in the global North and South.
2. Ensure multinational corporations pay their share of taxes:
Develop international mechanisms that curb abusive tax practices and prevent corporate tax exemptions. UN member states should initiate negotiations to draft a UN convention to combat abusive tax practices. The convention should adopt a consolidation and apportionment system for taxing global corporate profits.
Revise specifically national regulations in wealthy countries that demand MNCs pay taxes only in the resident country, rather than in the countries of economic activity. This practice hinders developing countries the most, as they increasingly lose taxable base to low and zero tax jurisdictions. Proposals like the Unitary Taxation approach should be considered in this regard.
3. Support the establishment of a United Nations intergovernmental tax body:
A UN tax body with equal voting rights and universal membership should have the power to review national, regional and global tax policy and ensure states comply with long agreed commitments on human rights, including women’s rights and gender equality.
4. Promote transparency and gender-sensitive data gathering:
Greater efforts must be made at the global level to refine comparable data on tax abuse, for example with gender disaggregated data that shows the gender biases of certain tax systems.
Countries must ensure a framework for automatic information exchange, which guarantees public and global access to key data that affects the resources available for the realization of human rights.
Implement country-by-country reporting obligations for multinational corporations to publicly disclose, as part of annual reports, profits made and taxes paid for each country in which they operate.
Among other financial information, there must be greater cooperation from governments to share their national public registries that disclose beneficial owners of companies, trusts, foundations and similar legal structures.
5. Promote tax justice through progressive fiscal policies at the national level:
Promote tax justice through progressive fiscal policies. This requires increasing the weight of direct taxes on income capital and highly profitable sectors of society, while reducing and removing the burden on women and poor people. Poor segments of society, of which women are overrepresented, should not end up paying more taxes, in relation to their income, than the richest segments that often benefit from government tax subsidies, tax holidays and reductions.
Governments must critically review the harmful trade and investment agreements that grant tax incentives and exemptions that perpetuate inequality and gender biases.
6. Ensure participation of women’s rights organisations, social movements and progressive civil society broadly:
Economic and fiscal policy decisions often lack a gender sensitive perspective. Engagement between the ministries of Gender and Finance, and both with civil society and women human rights defenders, is key to better understand the impact that revenue decisions are having on women’s rights and gender equality.
An enabling environment should be in place to protect women human rights defenders and others (including whistle-blowers, tax justice activists) that expose tax abuse and report corruption.
7. Stop the impunity of criminal activities associated with IFFs and ensure accountability:
Establish a global coordinated mechanism across national tax authorities, human rights and gender equality machineries, and intelligence units, to ensure criminal activities associated with IFFs do not continue with impunity.
Strengthen national and global justice systems to be able to hold individuals and entities to account for funding criminal activities through IFFs.
Liliana was a teacher, a weaver, and a well recognized writer from Argentina.
Her trilogy La saga de los confines received several awards and is unique in the fantasy genre for its use and re-imagining of South American Indigenous mythology.
Liliana’s commitment to feminism was expressed in the diverse, rich and strong women voices in her writing, and particularly in her extensive work for young readers. She also took public positions in favour of abortion, economic justice and gender parity.
How about climate justice, is this really the time for so many international flights?
Asking ourselves the same question, we believe there are no simple answers. For many participants the AWID Forum might be one of the few international trips they undertake in their life. The pandemic taught us the possibilities but also the limitations of virtual spaces for movement-building: there is nothing like in-person connection. Movements need cross-border connections to build our collective power in the face of the threats we face, notably the climate crisis. We believe that the upcoming AWID Forum can be a strategic space to hold these conversations and to explore alternatives to international travel. The hybrid element of the Forum is an important part of this exploration.
The AWID Forum Access Fund
We strive to make the AWID Forum a truly global gathering with participation from a diverse array of movements, regions and generations. To this end, AWID mobilizes resources for a limited Access Fund (AF) to assist some participants with the costs of attending the Forum.
The 14th AWID International Forum will take place 11-14 January 2021, in Taipei, Taiwan.
How will the Access Fund be allocated?
For this AWID Forum, there will be no application process.
Access Fund grants will be allocated by invitation only to:
Two persons per activity selected for the Forum program (decided by those organizations, groups or individuals organizing the activity)
Participants who identify as part of Priority Forum Constituencies (PFCs) recommended by the organizations, networks and groups who are co-creating the Forum with AWID.
PFCs are those which we consider would strengthen our collective power as movements, are not centered in mainstream feminist movements, and whose Feminist Realities we would like to honor, celebrate and visibilize:
- Black feminists
- Indigenous feminists
- Trans, gender non-conforming and intersex feminists
- Feminists with disabilities
- Feminist sex workers and informal workers, including migrant workers
- Feminists affected by migration
- Women affected by drug policy
- Feminists from the Forum regions (with a focus on the Pacific and mainland China)
In addition, AWID will fund approximately 100 participants from the Forum’s location. Forum Committee Members (Content and Methodology, Access and Host) as well as those in the Artists Working Group [link] are also granted Access Fund support.
What does the Access Fund cover?
For selected participants, the Access Fund will cover the cost of their:
Flight
Accommodation
Visa
Local transportation in Taipei
Travel medical insurance
The Access Fund will NOT cover their:
Forum registration fee
Transportation to and from the airport in their city of departure
Other incidental costs
Apart from the Access Fund, how can I fund my participation at the Forum?
We have listed other ideas on how to fund your participation at the AWID Forum on the Funding Ideas page.
When: 2–5 December 2024 Where: Bangkok, Thailand; and online Who: Approximately 2,500 feminists from all over the world participating in- person, and 3,000 participating virtually
Our neighbourhood, our network, our strength
by Marta Plaza Fernández, Madrid, Spain (@gacela1980)
The feminist reality that I want to share is about weaving networks in which we uphold one another. Networks which come together in different ways, which emerge from our shared vulnerability, and which make all of us stronger.
The streets of Chamberí, my neighbourhood in Madrid, became much more of a home following the gatherings in the plazas organized by the citizens movement that originated in a rally on May 15, 2011. I think about how, during those years, we met each other and were able to associate faces, voices, smiles with so many neighbours who previously were only silhouettes without names or pasts, and who we passed by without seeing or hearing each other. I think about how we’ve become involved and dedicated; how we’ve woven a palpable, tangible community; how we’ve been advancing hand in hand towards building a new more inhabitable world, which we want and that we urgently need to create.
A group of activists and utopian neighbours, (in the best sense of the word utopian) – that moves us to action to do something real – that group for me was practically the first that reacted differently when I shared a part of my history and identity with them. With these women I shared my psychiatric diagnosis, my multiple hospital stays, the number of daily pills that accompanied me, my disability certificate, my difficulty in preserving that vital link that periodically disintegrates in my hands.
These neighbours, friends, comrades, links, loves –did not only not distance themselves from me once they got to know someone who many others had labelled as problematic, manipulator, egotistical – but became my principal network of affection and mutual support. They decided to navigate with me when the sea became agitated with storms. These people have given a different meaning to my days.
Building our feminist reality also encompasses carrying the “I believe you, sister” that we use when a friend has suffered a macho attack to the violence experienced by psychiatrized women at the hands of the very psychiatric system and institutions that are supposed to help us (and instead are often the new abuser who traumatizes and hurts us all over again). And this reality must include respect for our decisions, without taking away our agency and capacity to direct our own steps to one space or another; to listen to our narratives, desires, needs…without trying to impose others that are alien to us. It means not delegitimizing our discourse, not alluding to the label of our diagnosis, nor our madness.
With these transformation, each stay in the psychiatric institute did erase the ties that we had been able to build, but instead this network stayed by my side, its members took turns so that each day there would be no lull in calls, in visits, so that I could feel them as close as one can feel another person separated by locked doors (but unfortunately open for abuse) within the confines of the psychiatric ward. Through the warmth and kindness from my people I could rebuild that vital link that had once again been broken.
The even bigger leap happened when I was already aware of the numerous violent acts and abuse (where among other assaults, I spent days strapped to a bed, relieving myself where I lay), I decided that I would not go back to being interned.
This network of care, these women neighbours-friends-loves-comrades, they respected my refusal to return to the hospital and supported me through each crisis I’ve been through since then. Without being interned, without violence.
They took turns accompanying me when my link to life was so broken that I felt such a huge risk which I couldn’t handle on my own. They organized WhatsApp group check-ins. They coordinated care and responsibilities so that no one would feel overwhelmed - because when an individual feels overloaded, they make decisions based on fear and the need for control instead of prioritizing accompaniment and care.
That first crisis that we were able to surmount together in this way – without being admitted to the psychiatric institute, represented a dramatic change in my life. There were months when my life was at risk, of intense suffering and of so much fear for my people and for me. But we overcame it together, and all that I thought was that if we could get over that crisis, then we could also find ways to face all the difficulties and crises that may come.
These feminist realities that we’re building day by day keep expanding, growing and taking different forms. We’re learning together, we’re growing together. Distancing ourselves from a welfare mentality, one of the first lessons was that, in reality, there wouldn’t be anyone receiving care (because of a psychiatric label) or anyone helping, from the other side of the sanity/insanity line. We learnt – we’re learning – to move to a different key – that of mutual support, of providing care and being cared for, of caring for each other.
We’ve also explored the limits of self care and the strength of collectivizing care and redistributing it so it’s not a burden that paralyzes us; we learnt – and we keep learning today – about joy and enjoying care that is chosen.
Another recent learning is about how difficult it was to start integrating money as another component of mutual support that we all give and receive. It was hard for us to realize how internalized capitalism kept on reverberating in our relationship with money, and that even though no one expected any payment for the containers of lentils we cooked amongst us when eating and cooking were difficult tasks, our expectation regarding money was different. Phrases like “how much you have is how much you’re worth” become stuck inside of us without critically analyzing them. It’s easy to keep thinking that the money each one has is related to the effort made to earn it, and not due to other social conditioning distant from personal merit. In fact, within this well-established mutual support network – redistributing money based on needs without questioning – was still a remote reality for our day to day. That’s why this is something that we’ve recently started to work on and think through as a group.
We want to get closer to that anti-capitalist world where mutual support is the way that we have chosen to be in the world; and that entails deconstructing our personal and collective relationship with money and internalized capitalism.
In these feminist realities we also know that learning never stops, and that the road continues to be shaped as we travel upon it. There is still much to do to keep caring for ourselves, to keep expanding perspectives and to make ourselves more aware of the persistent power imbalances, of privileges that we hold and continue to exercise, without realizing the violence that they reproduce.
Though we’ve already travelled so far, we still have a long way to go to get closer to that new world that we hold in our hearts (and for some within our crazy little heads too). Racism, classism, adult-centrism, fat-phobia, and machismo that persists among our partners.
Among the pending lessons, we’ve needed for a long time already to build a liveable future in which feminism is really intersectional and in which we all have space, in which the realities and oppressions of other sisters are just as important as our own. We also need to move forward horizontally when we build collectively – getting rid of egos, of protagonisms, to live together and deal with the need for recognition in a different way. And to also keep making strides grounded in the awareness that the personal is always, always political.
How we relate to and link with each other cannot be relegated to the private domain, nor kept silent: other loves are possible, other connections and other families are necessary, and we are also inventing them as we go.
This new world which we want to create, and that we need to believe in – is this kind world – in which we can love, and feel pride in ourselves – and in which all worlds will fit. We’ll keep at it.
Looking at activists and feminists as healers and nourishers of the world, in the midst of battling growing right wing presence, white supremacy and climate change. This piece highlights how our feminist reality puts kindness, solidarity, and empathy into action by showing up and challenging the status quo to liberate us all.
Affectionately known as “Mama Efua”, her work to end Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) movement spanned three decades and helped bring international attention and action to end this harmful practice.
In 1983 Efua co-founded FORWARD (The Foundation for Women’s Health, Research and Development), which became a leading organisation in the battle to raise awareness about FGM. Her 1994 book, “Cutting the Rose: Female Genital Mutilation,” is considered the first on FGM and, featured in Columbia University’s “Africa’s 100 Best Books for the 20th Century”.
Originally from Ghana and a nurse by training, Efua joined the WHO in 1995 and successfully pushed for FGM to go on the agendas of WHO member states. She also worked closely with the Nigerian government in formulating a comprehensive National Policy that laid the groundwork for Nigeria’s anti-FGM laws, still in place today.
Her ground breaking work culminated in an Africa-led campaign, “The Girl Generation,” which is committed to ending FGM within a generation. Efua demonstrated how one person can become the unifying voice for a movement, and her wise words - “shared identity can help bring activists from different backgrounds together with a common sense of purpose” – are more relevant than ever.
2023 - Hybrid like never before: in person - ar
هجين (hybrid) كما لم يحدث من قبل
لأول مرة، يعرض منتدى جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية ثلاثة طرق للمشاركة
الحضور الشخصي
سيجتمع المشاركون/ات في بانكوك، تايلاند. ننتظر بفارغ الصبر!
Understanding the Context of Anti-Rights Threats
Chapter 2
While fundamentalisms, fascisms and other systems of oppression shapeshift and find new tactics and strategies to consolidate power and influence, feminist movements continue to persevere and celebrate gains nationally and The rising power of anti-rights actors is not happening in a vacuum. Understanding the rise of ultra-nationalism, unchecked corporate power, growing repression, and diminishing civic space is key to contextualize the anti-rights threats we face today.
Today, considerably more than half of the world’s population is governed by far-right leaders. Against this backdrop, human rights defenders and feminists are working hard to “hold the line” and protect multilateralism and the international human rights system. They also face the risk that their engagement may bring with it violent reprisals. At the same time, these institutions are increasingly subject to private sector interests. Large businesses, particularly transnational corporations, are occupying seats at the negotiating table and leadership positions in a number of multilateral institutions, including the UN. This nexus of ultra-nationalism, closing civic space, and corporate capture is having a tremendous impact on whether human rights for all can ever be achieved.
Table of Contents
Nationalism and Ultra-nationalism
Corporate Capture: Untamed Corporate Power is Putting Rights at Risk
Reprisals and Closing Civic Spaces for Feminist Activists, and LGBTIQ+ and Women Human Rights Defenders
Movement Resistance Story: CEDAW’s Article 16: A Pathway for Reformation of Discriminatory Family Laws in Muslim Contexts
Yelena Grigoriyeva, often called Lena by friends, was a prominent LGBT rights campaigner in Russia.
She was part of democratic, anti-war and LGBT movements. In her activism, Yelena was a fierce critic of President Vladimir Putin and his administration, expressing her opposition against Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea peninsula and the ill-treatment of prisoners.
Yelena came out as bisexual earlier in 2019.
"Her coming out was a surprise to me, and I didn't approve of it. I told her 'Listen, Lena, you already have a target painted on you because of your political activity. You've just pinned another to your chest." - Olga Smirnova
Yelena did receive multiple death threats and according to some of her acquaintances, was listed on a homophobic website that called on its visitors to hunt down LGBT persons. She reported the threats to the police, however the Russian state failed to provide protection.
But even in a society where political opposition, as well as members of the LGBT community and advocates for their rights, face continuous and increasing violence, Yelena kept campaigning for social justice and equality.
“She did not miss a single action. And they detained her so often that I already lost count,”
- Olga Smirnova (fellow opposition activist and friend).
Yelena was murdered on 21 July 2019, not far from home. A suspect was arrested but according to some sources, many friends and fellow activists believe that the suspect is a scapegoat and that this was a targeted political killing.
For Yelena’s relatives and friends, her case remains unsolved even though the suspect confessed.
In 2013, Russia passed legislation banning the spreading of what it described as ‘gay propaganda’. In 2014, Human Rights Watch published a report relating to this.
CFA 2023 - what you need to know - ar
ما الذي تحتاج/ين معرفته؟
سيتم إعطاء الأولوية للأنشطة التي تسهل وتشجع الاتصال والتفاعل بين المشاركين/ات.
إذا كان من الممكن إجراء نشاطك عبر الإنترنت أو بشكل هجين (ربط المشاركين/ات في الموقع وعبر الإنترنت)، يرجى النظر في كيفية توليد مشاركة حقيقية ومشاركة نشطة من المشاركين/ات عبر الإنترنت.
نشجع اللقاءات والحوارات والتبادلات بين الحركات والأقاليم وبين الأجيال.
يرجى تصميم النشاط بطريقة تسمح بالمرونة في عدد المشاركين/ات. في حين أن بعض الأنشطة قد تقتصر على مجموعات أصغر، إلا أن الأغلبية ستحتاج إلى استيعاب أعداد أكبر.
إذا كان نشاطك يناسب عددًا من أشكال التقديم أو لا يناسبه أي شيء، فستتمكن من الإشارة إلى ذلك في نموذج الطلب.
اللغات التي يمكنك إرسال طلبك بها
لغات تقديم الطلبات: سيتم قبول الطلبات باللغات الإنجليزية والفرنسية والإسبانية والتايلاندية والعربية.
لغات المنتدى: سيتم توفير الترجمة الفورية في الجلسات العامة للمنتدى باللغات الإنجليزية، الفرنسية، الإسبانية، التايلاندية والعربية، بالإضافة إلى لغة الإشارة الدولية (ISL)وربما أكثر. بالنسبة لجميع الأنشطة الأخرى، سيتم توفير الترجمة الشفوية في بعض هذه اللغات، ولكن ليس جميعها، وربما بلغات أخرى، مثل اللغة السواحيلية والبرتغالية.
الفرح للعالم: ستّة أسئلة مع نايكي ليدان
أجرت المقابلة تشينيلو أونوالو
ترجمة فيفيان عقيقي
نايكي ليدان، مدافعة عن العدالة الاجتماعية وناشطة نسوية ملتزمة، تتمتع بـ 20 عامٍ من الخبرة في مجال الدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان والعدالة الصحية وتمكين المرأة، والنضال من أجل الوصول الشامل إلى الخدمات الأساسية والإدماج الاجتماعي، فضلاً عن بناء قدرات المجتمع المدني. قامت بعمل مكثف في كندا وغرب وجنوب إفريقيا وهايتي في مجال الدفاع عن الحقوق المدنية، وبناء القدرات لمنظمات المجتمع المدني، مع التأكيد على المحددات الاجتماعية للإقصاء الهيكلي. إنها تقدر مبادئ القيادة المشتركة والمساحات المعادية للاستعمار والقمع والأبوية.
السؤال الأوّل: تُعَدّين ناشطة في قضايا حقوق العابرين/ات جنسياً؛ أشعر بالفضول لمعرفة كيف عبّدتِ مسيرتك.
نشأتُ في هايتي حتّى بلغت سنّ الثامنة عشرة، ثمّ عشتُ في مونتريال لمدّة 19 عاماً. في العام 2016 عدتُ إلى هايتي معتقدة أنني سوف أعود إلى الوطن، لكن المكان تغيّر، وكان عليّ التكيّف مجدّداً. لم أُعِدْ ربط الصلات مع العائلة وأصدقاء الطفولة بالطريقة التي كنت أتوقّعها. عدت كمُغتربة مع ظروف عمل مريحة، وبقيت أشعر أنني غريبة لفترة طويلة جداً. لكن في الوقت نفسه، شعرت أنني في وطني بسبب اللغة، وحتى الصمت المألوف، وعدم اضطراري إلى تبرير غنائي لشارة إعلان تجارية – تعلمين... تلك الأمور التي نتشاركها، تلك الطاقة، تلك المساحة، وتلك الروح.
عودتي إلى حبّ الذات – أو ما أسمّيه "ولادة جديدة" – التي تتزامن مع ولادة طفلي الأوّل، وولادة نفسي، ووقوعي في حبّ حبيبتي الكويرية. (مصدر الصورة: نايكي ليدان)
ما ساعدني في ذلك هو حبّي للعمل في كافة أنحاء البلاد، وتوثيق معارف الناس. لذلك تركت مساحتى المريحة، وأصبحت مديرة قطرية لمنظّمة إقليمية كويرية. تركَّز معظم عملي على إيجاد الموارد وبناء قدرات المجتمع المدني. بنيتُ استراتيجيتي على الذهاب إلى الريف، والبحث عن كلّ المنظّمات الصغيرة، والمساعدة في بناء قدراتها وتمويلها. لم أكن مُهتمّة بالسياسيين وبمصافحتهم والتقاط الصور معهم <ضحكة>. كان لديّ حليف رائع: شارلوت جودي، الناشط الكويري الذي قُتِل قبل ثلاث سنوات في منزله. تقرّبنا كثيراً بعد حظر مهرجان أفلام أفرو كويرية في هايتي كنا نخطّط له. أحدث المهرجان ضجّة كبيرة، وأثار نقاشات عن الكويرية في كلّ مكان، لذلك قدّمني شارلوت إلى منظّمات المجتمع المدني الصغيرة، المُنتشرة في كلّ ركن من البلاد. كان عليّ أن أكون هناك لمساعدة المنظّمة (المنظّمات)، على التسجيل بشكل قانوني أو بناء خطّتها الاستراتيجية. جعلتني هذه الأعمال ناشطة كويرية، وبالتالي ناشطة في قضايا المتحوّلين/ات جنسياً. مع ذلك لا أسمّي نفسي ناشطة. إنّها كلمة ثقيلة كما تعلمين. لكنّها الصفة التي يناديك بها الناس. أعتقد أنني مجرّد عاشقة ومقاتلة <ضحكة>.
السؤال الأوّل: أخبريني عن ورشة العمل التي نظّمتها للمهرجان مع AWID. ما هو مضمونها وسياقها؟
وعيي الذاتي العميق خلال سنوات طفولتي، وانخراطي في البحث عن أسباب انعدام المساواة والظلم في سنّ مُبكرة جدّاً (في الرابعة من عمري تقريباً). (مصدر الصورة: نايكي ليدان))
ا تتحدّث وسائل الإعلام الدولية عن هايتي، لكن مع وجود بيئة سياسية سيّئة فإن البيئة الاقتصادية تكون أكثر كارثية. نظراً لانتمائي إلى الطبقة الوسطى في هايتي، وتحدّثي بلغات عدّة، وامتلاكي جوازات سفر مختلفة، تردّدت بدايةً في أخذ هذه المساحة. غالباً ما أرى نفسي كجسر، لا شخص يتحدّث عن نفسه. لذلك دعوت سيمي، شابّة لامعة متحوّلة جنسياً من خارج بورت أو برنس، لتأخذ المساحة وتتحدّث عن نفسها، وترشدنا إلى واقع النساء المتحوّلات في هايتي. انتهى بنا الأمر بعقد جلسة عن النسوية غير الشمولية – أو كما أسمّيها المساحات النسوية الرسمية – وكيف أن الفتيات المتحوّلات في هايتي لا يملكن مساحات للمساهمة في التعريف عن المرأة ومشاركة واقعها. من هنا، كان مهرجان AWID فرصة لي لإعطاء مساحة للنساء اللواتي يجب أن يحصلن على فرص. أمضينا وقتاً رائعاً؛ احتسينا النبيذ أثناء جلستنا عبر الإنترنت، وشاركتنا سيمي، التي ساعدتني في إدارة الجلسة، بما يعنيه أن تكوني طفلة/ فتاة/ امرأة متحوّلة في مراحل مختلفة من حياتها، وتحدّثت عن أخطار الشارع والفقر والإقصاء والفشل في ظهورها كامرأة بعد التحوّل، وأيضاً عن انتصاراتها.
السؤال الأوّل: ما علاقة النساء المتحوّلات بالمنظّمات النسوية في هايتي؟ كيف كانت تجربتك في هذا السياق؟
لقد كانت تجربة النساء المتحوّلات صعبة، وفي الواقع مفجعة. من عدم الاعتراف بوجودهن إلى التعامل معهنّ بأسلوب جنسي مُتطرّف، فضلاً عن تعرّضهن للقتل من دون حتّى الإعلان عن هذه الحالات في الإعلام. وهو ما يعبّر عن مدى عدم الاعتراف بوجودهن، وعن كيفيّة محوهن. إنهنّ موجودات في كلّ مكان، لكن ليس في أماكن العمل، ولا في البيئات النسوية، ولا في بيئات المؤسّساتية. ولا حتّى في منظّمات مجتمع الميم. في الآونة الأخيرة فقط، ونتيجة حملات المناصرة، صحّحت بعض المنظّمات نوعاً ما هذه الوضعيّة. لكن لا يزال الأمر غير وارد في المساحات النسوية. ما زلنا مضطرّات للتعامل مع الخطاب الإقصائي القديم بـ»إنهنّ لسنا نساء. بالطبع، إذا نجحن في الظهور كنساء بعد عمليّات التحوّل...». إن ثقافة الفشل أو النجاح في التحوّل ليست إلّا محادثة عن إدارة المخاطر – إلى أي درجة ينجح التحوّل، وما الذي يعنيه لجسمكِ، والعنف الذي يلحق به. في الواقع الإقصائي للمتحوّلين/ات الذي نعيش فيه، ويُعاد إنتاجه في الكثير من المساحات النسوية، قد تُعتبر فتيات، وإلى حدّ معيّن، أولئلك اللواتي ينجحن في الظهور بما يتوافق مع الجنس الذي تحوّلن إليه. لكن ماذا عن الوقوع في الحبّ، وإجراء محادثة، وإخفاء الهوية الجنسية، والرغبة في الحصول على مظهر معيّن، أو مهنة معيّنة؟ في الحقيقة، أصبح العلاج بالهرمونات حديثاً عن الحدّ من المخاطر كما عبّرت سيمي في ورشة العمل. لكن ليس لدينا خيار العلاج الهرموني، ولا الإطار الطبي أو النظام لدعم أولئك الذين يرغبون في متابعته.
السؤال الأوّل: عندما تتحدّثين عن الطريقة التي يُنظر بها إلى الأشخاص المتحوّلين/ا جنسياً والكويريين/ات في المجتمع، يبدو أنها مشابهة لنظرة المجتمع في نيجيريا، حيث يبرز رهاب المثلية بعمق.
هايتي بلد مُعقّد للغاية وبطريقة جميلة جداً. لا يوجد شيء بسيط، كما تعلمين، لا يوجد شيء يُمكن القيام به بطريقة واحدة فقط. الهايتيون متسامحون للغاية – لكنّهم وفي الوقت نفسه يعانون من رهاب المثلية. سوف تجد مناطق في الريف، لا يعاني المقيمون فيها من رهاب المثلية على الإطلاق نظراً لوجود معابد فودو فيها، وهذه ديانة تحترم الحياة. أحد المبادئ الأساسية لديانة فودو هو عدم وجود ما هو صحيح أو خطأ. لفترة طويلة، كان الناس يعتقدون أن هايتي ملاذ ومكان حيث يعيش أناس متسامحون – نحن نتحدّث عن السبعينيات والثمانينيات وقبل انتشار فيروس نقص المناعة البشريّة، وحتّى التسعينيات. من ثمّ وقع زلزال العام 2010 وقتل نحو 300 ألف شخص، وبعدها تدفّقت كلّ هذه الأموال من جنوب الولايات المتّحدة عبر الإنجيليين لإعادة بناء البلاد والعثور على يسوع. لذلك، يُعدّ رهاب المثلية حديث النشأة في هايتي. في العمق، في روحية الثقافة، لا أستطيع القول إنّ هايتي معادية للمثليين. لكن في الحياة اليومية، من المؤكّد أن هناك عنفاً يقع على المثليين، وكذلك على النساء، والنساء الفقيرات، والنساء داكنات البشرة أيضاً، خصوصاً أنّ التمييز العرقيّ بارز جداً في منطقة الكاريبي.
السؤال الأوّل: كيف تمكّنت من إدارة الأمر؟ ما كانت استراتيجيّتك
عودتي إلى هايتي كان جزءاً من مساري الهادف نحو التخلّص من الاستعمار، وكان محاولةً منّي لموضعة حواسي وحواس عائلتي ضمن فضاءٍ يحتوي قصص التمرّد على المعيارية وعلى واقع العنصرية ضد السود. (مصدر الصورة: نايكي ليدان)
أنا أحبّ عملي حقّاً. أحبّ العمل بشكل عام. عندما وصلت، عملت بداية مع تلك المنظّمة غير الحكومية الرهيبة لكنني قمت بعمل رائع. كنت موجودة دائماً في الريف، وأتحدّث وأتعلّم من الناس والنساء. وهو ما أسعدَ قلبي لفترة طويلة لأنني أحبّ ثقافتي بشدّة، وأحبّ الأشخاص السود، والنساء السود – النساء السود المُسنّات، والأطفال السود. يملأني الأمر بروحانية. عندما كنّا في كندا، ارتاد أطفالي مدارس البيض المرموقة. لم يتحدّثوا بلغة شعب الكريول ولا الفرنسية. أمّا الآن فإنّهم يركضون بحرّية في حديقة المنزل، ويتقاتلون بلغة الكريول. أيضاً وجدت مع الأشخاص الذين قابلتهم محاور للبقاء. خلقت روابط مع الكويريين/ات وغيرهم من غريبي الأطوار مثلي. كان الأمر رائعاً حقاً. لكنّي أعاني الآن. لم أعد أشعر بالأمان في هايتي. أسبوعياً تُسجّل نحو 40 عملية خطف في بورت أو برنس – وهو وضع مستمرّ منذ العام 2018. أصبت بنوبات من القلق والذعر. لقد حان وقت الذهاب، فيما أسأل نفسي: «أين هو الوطن؟». قضيت 19 عاماً في مونتريال لكنّني لم أشعر مطلقاً بأنني في وطني. عندما غادرت، لم أفتقدها أبداً، لذلك لا أريد العودة إليها. أيضاً بكيت كثيراً مؤخّراً كوني أشعر بأنني دخلت إلى منفى ثاني.
السؤال الأوّل: كيف هي علاقتك مع المتعة والترفيه والراحة؟
علاقتي مع المتعة والترفيه والراحة مماثلة وواحدة. إنها لحظة أعيشها عندما أدلّل نفسي بحرارة الشمس على وجهي على سبيل المثال. هي المتعة والترفيه والراحة في الوقت نفسه.
المتعة: مساحتى المُفضّلة، ملاذ للاحتفال بنفسي، حيث أحفظ لنفسي القوّة والحقّ في أن أكون هادئة أو صاخبة خلال لحظات المتعة التي أختبرها. أنغمس بكلّ لحظة متعة، بما في ذلك، متعة الوحدة والصمت.
الترفيه: ركوب الدرّاجة، والمهرجانات الموسيقية، والأكل، وتذوّق النبيذ، المشاركة في رقصات الفودو الهايتية التقليدية. كلّها من ضمن الأنشطة العديدة التي أشارك فيها حالياً.
الراحة: هو ما أعيش من أجله. بما أنني شخص متفوّق وأحبّ العمل، فمن المفارقة أن أكون كسولة أيضاً. لا أحد يعلم بالأمر، لأن ما يرونه هو أنني أعمل بجدّ وبأكثر من طاقتي. إنهم لا يعرفون كيف يمكنني الانغماس في الكسل بشكل عميق وبلا تردّد.
ExploreTransnational Embodiments
This journal edition in partnership with Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research, will explore feminist solutions, proposals and realities for transforming our current world, our bodies and our sexualities.
نصدر النسخة هذه من المجلة بالشراكة مع «كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد والجندر»، وسنستكشف عبرها الحلول والاقتراحات وأنواع الواقع النسوية لتغيير عالمنا الحالي وكذلك أجسادنا وجنسانياتنا.
Mena Mangal was a prominent TV journalist, women’s rights advocate and cultural adviser to Wolesi Jirga, the lower house of Afghanistan's national parliament.
For more than a decade, she worked for Ariana TV, Tolo TV's Pashto-language channel Lamar, and the private Afghan national television broadcaster Shamshad TV. As a presenter, Mena focused on women’s rights and cultural talk shows.
"Women's rights activist Wazhma Frogh said Mangal "had a loud voice" and actively spoke out as an advocate for her people."
Off-screen, she also ran popular social media pages that advocated for the rights of Afghan girls and women to education and work. In terms of her private life, Mena wrote extensively about being forced into an arranged marriage in 2017 and the process she had to go through to finally obtain a divorce.
In a Facebook post, Mena wrote she was receiving death threats from unknown sources but would continue to carry out her work.
On 11 May 2019, she was attacked by unknown gunmen and shot dead in broad daylight in a public space in Southeast Kabul.
"We are concerned about the situation because it has a direct impact on women who work outside their homes...Female journalists are changing their professions due to the increasing risks they are facing." - Robina Hamdard, Kabul-based women’s rights activist.
Is there a preferred methodology for the sessions?
The Call for Activities lists a number of suggested formats and methodologies. Be creative and make sure to read the section “What you need to know”.
Nominate bold feminists to join AWID's Board of Directors
Every year, AWID seeks to renew and enrich the perspectives and experience reflected in our Board of Directors by bringing in new members.
Currently, we are looking for individuals to serve 3-year terms on AWID’s Board, starting in early 2023. This is an opportunity to contribute to our organisation’s governance and to be part of an amazing group of feminists from around the world.
Please help us to identify thoughtful and bold feminists to nominate for election by July 29, 2022.
Please also share this invitation to nominate with your networks!
Who are we looking for?
First and foremost, we are looking for candidates who are committed to AWID’s mission, who can make connections between local and global struggles, and who can help us to be thoughtful about how to best leverage AWID's positioning and strengths in a constantly evolving context. Candidates must be willing to uphold the legal duties and responsibilities of the AWID Board in the best interests of the organization.
This is a voluntary role that requires commitment and engagement throughout the year. Board members are expected to commit a minimum of 10-15 days per year to attend in-person and virtual meetings, and contribute to other communications.
We aspire for our Board to reflect diversity in all its forms, particularly in terms of gender identity, sexual orientation, age, geography and background. Additionally, we seek Board members with experience relevant to AWID’s priority areas of work.
While we will consider all candidates, in light of the current composition of the board, priority consideration will be given to:
Candidates with experience working at the intersections of women’s rights/gender justice and :
Finance
Climate justice
Disability justice, and/or
Technology
Candidates from the following regions:
Africa
South America
What Board members bring to AWID
The Board of Directors is key to inform AWID’s strategic direction and support our organisation to fulfill its mission in coherence with the world we live in and the needs of our movements.
Board members contribute to the organization in many ways: bringing governance experience from other spaces, perspectives from diverse sectors of feminist movements, and substantive expertise in areas relevant to AWID’s strategy.
The candidates who are ultimately elected will be joining the AWID Board in 2023, accompanying us for the launch of our new strategic plan led by AWID’s new Co-Executive Directors, and the planning of our next international Forum.
Aïssata Kane, also fondly known as “Yaye Kadia” (Mother Kadia), was a feminist with a lifelong committment in advocating for African and especially Mauritanian women’s rights.
In her career as a politician, she was appointed Minister of Family Protection and Social Affairs in 1975, the first time a woman held such a position and in which Aïssata fervently worked to improve the status of women in her country.
This work included advancing girls’ and women’s education, fighting against the practice of force-feeding of young women, lobbying for an inclusion of a marital rights provision, and advocating for a female representation quota to be created in the Parliament.
“[Aïssata] realized all her passions with humility, courage and determination. She didn’t want to disturb anyone by her fight on all these fronts at the same time.” Ball Halimata Dem, Aïssata’s niece
She founded the National Union of Women of Mauritania (UNFM), co-creating and publishing Marienou for them, a magazine dedicated to the emancipation of Mauritanian women. Aïssata also directed several sub-regional and local organizations, including as the President of the International Association of Francophone Women (AIFF) and as a resolute ecologist, she was President of the Association for the Protection of the Environment in Mauritania (APEM).
In 2018 she received the Pioneer Woman Award. It honors her work in advancing Mauritania’s women’s status and recognizes her strong leadership and sense of innovation.
Aïssata passed away on 10 August 2019.
لماذا بانكوك؟
يعقد كل منتدى في منطقة مختلفة، وقد حان الوقت لعودة منتدى جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية إلى آسيا! قمنا بزيارة العديد من البلدان في المنطقة، واستشرنا الحركات النسوية، وأجرينا تقييمات مفصلة للخدمات اللوجستية، وإمكانية الوصول، والسلامة، والتأشيرات، وغيرها من التفاصيل. وفي نهاية المطاف، وافق مجلس إدارة جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية على إقامة المنتدى في بانكوك، تايلاند، باعتبارها الخيار الأفضل. نحن متحمسون/ات للعودة إلى بانكوك، حيث عقدنا منتدى جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية في عام 2005.
Love letter to Feminist Movements #9
The body is a powerful entity. As women, our bodies are controlled, oppressed and policed from the womb. The way we look, move, dress, walk, speak, gesture, laugh. I often wondered at what drives patriarchal fears around the power of female bodies. Where I come from sex work and sex workers were whispered of with simultaneous contempt, disgust, fascination, pity and condemnation.
Where I come from sex work and sex workers were whispered of with simultaneous contempt, disgust, fascination, pity and condemnation.
I first encountered sex work and sex workers at age 22. Simple conversations, sitting in circles, chatting over coffee and tea, we explored each other’s lives, experiences, thoughts and feelings.
For sex workers, sex work was the most worthwhile choice out of all other options to pay bills, to support family, to have more flexible working hours, to have sex. Just as I chose my job as the most worthwhile, to pay bills, to support family, to have more flexible working hours.
These individuals, women and men, taught me that I made my own decisions about my body… where I focus its life and energy, whether I use it for pleasure or pain, whether I trade it in or give it freely, and how I want to feel about my body. The awareness was as exciting as it was empowering.
Crear | Résister | Transform: a festival for feminist movements – 2021… you accompanied me through a series of life-changing moments (!!!)
We call these ‘events,’ though in truth, to me, your feminist learning spaces are, where I take a little of what’s inside me, a little of what your speakers say and some from the discussions to go deeper into our understanding.
Sharing… Partaking… Immersing…
in strength, in vulnerability, in pleasure.
Simply being the transformative feminist that I am, without pretentions, without misgivings…
Welcoming the transformative feminist that I have always been, without even knowing the term or acknowledging it in such a manner or in such terms…
Finding home for the fiercely transformative feminist living within me…
Despite the anger, rage and frustration of not being treated as equals and being treated with ‘less __ than,’
I did not always consider myself a feminist nor did I recognise myself within the feminist movement or discourse… Truly, I appreciate doors being held open, chairs being pulled out to be seated, acknowledgement as a woman, of my femininity.
At times I dismissed the patriarchy with annoyance, at times, I responded with frustration and anger but I did not address it… I did not notice its sinister, insidious toxicity… I was privileged enough to be able to work through it, to survive it, to overcome it, to excel in spite of it… I did not question enough, challenge enough, push my boundaries enough… I did not do enough…
connecting with sex workers, exploring sexuality, and the women for peace and security...
Until I became fully aware and understood the implications of both privilege and oppression that was intersectional.
Until I realised what it meant to fight for gender justice and not simply ‘equality for all.’
Practitioner and facilitator no longer, I am a transformative feminist practitioner and facilitator.
Being a feminist means that I will act
– through my daily activities: the way I live, the work that I do, the processes that I am invited to lead, the workshops and lectures that I am invited to give –
to push back against patriarchal toxicity, to dismantle patriarchal structures and systems,
to work to decolonise values, beliefs, thoughts, to smash the myths of gender norms and expectations,
to address power imbalances imposed by patriarchal beliefs and socialisation,
to foster relationships built on inclusion, holism, equity, care, reciprocity, accountability and justice,
to stand and act in solidarity in the frontlines of the fight towards inclusion, equity and justice.
Plunging into uncertain, fragile, complex (and possibly quite violent) future…
I want to discover myself and be myself more intimately, authentically and deeply through the movement…
I want to be more actively involved in and interconnected through this love relationship.
I am deeply grateful for you and I promise to remain fierce in addressing and redressing problematic issues around gender, race, ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation and ability, and remain present and faithful to the struggle for inclusion, equity and justice.
As feminist and labour movements, together in solidarity, we articulate the following points as a collective vision for care economies with domestic workers rights at the centre. We call on feminist and social movements to join the call to rethink the economy with care at its centre recognising the rights, agency and leadership of domestic worker movements.
Our manifesto is a response to a complex context.
Domestic and care work is in the limelight after the COVID-19 global pandemic as it provided the means to carry the world through multiple intersecting crises at the global scale. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and other multilateral institutions also acknowledge the importance of care and domestic work in sustaining the world’s economy. However, it is our analysis that this recognition most often takes an instrumentalist approach (i.e. care work sustains the ‘productive’ economy) focused on profiteering from care work without recognizing care as a human right and public good, or providing recognition and rights to the workers undertaking the bulk of this labour.