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Protection of the Family

The Issue

Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.

The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.

“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:

  • rising traditionalism,
  • rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
  • sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.

Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.

This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.


Our Approach

AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.

In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs).  OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like  “Protection of the Family”.

Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.   

The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN.  It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”

 

Related Content

Snippet FEA Objectives NSS Advocacy (EN)

ADVOCACY

Yellow circle with illustration of a brown woman with a white t-shirt holding a blue loudspeaker.
To influence decision makers and promote more equitable access to land for women working in agriculture

Sainimili Naivalu

“I’ve witnessed discrimination on the streets, being teased on the streets and verbally abused on the streets. I have also made numerous friends and have met a lot of people. There may be dangers out there but I am a survivor and this is where I will be for now.”
- Sainimili Naivalu

Sainimili Naivalu was a feminist and disability rights activist from the village of Dakuibeqa on Beqa Island, Fiji.

She demanded policy makers and stakeholders provide disability friendly policies and services such as the construction of ramps in towns and cities to increase accessibility. Physical barriers were not the only ones she strived to change. From her own experience, she knew that more difficult changes need to take place in social and economic spheres. Many of the challenges disabled people face are rooted in attitudes that carry discrimination and stigma. 

A survivor and a fighter, Sainimili contributed to co-creating feminist realities that foster inclusion and shift attitudes towards disabled people. As a member of the Spinal Injury Association of Fiji (SIA) and through Pacific Disability Forum’s Pacific Enable project she attended the International Labour Organisation “Start Your Business” training in Suva, enabling her to transform her ideas into her own business. She was an entrepreneur at the Suva Market Stall 7, offering manicure services, as well as running SIA’s women’s market stall selling handicrafts, sulus and artifacts. Sainimili’s plan was to expand her business and become a major employer of disabled people.

In addition to her activism, she was also a table tennis medalist and youth champion. 

A vivacious personality, Sainimili was one of a kind. You would always know that Sainimili is in a room because her laughter and her stories would be the first thing that you would notice.
- Michelle Reddy

Sainmili passed away in 2019. 

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La réalisation de recherches documentaires tout au long de votre initiative peut vous aider à encadrer vos travaux, à choisir les questions de sondage et à vous fournir une clarté contextuelle, tout en rehaussant votre compréhension des résultats de votre sondage. Vous pourriez notamment comparer les similarités et les différences entre les résultats de votre sondage et l’information diffusée par la société civile et les donateurs.

Il se peut que vous déceliez des tendances dans les résultats de votre sondage et que vous souhaitiez mieux les comprendre.

Par exemple, vos données de sondage pourraient révéler que les budgets des organisations diminuent, mais cela ne vous dit pas pour quelle raison cette situation se produit. L’analyse des publications vous donne un contexte et vous révèle certaines des raisons pour lesquelles ces tendances surviennent.

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Vos résultats pourraient être complémentaires ou contradictoires par rapport aux connaissances actuelles, mais ils doivent faire référence aux données existantes sur le sujet.

Pour que votre recherche soit complète et englobe tout le panorama du financement qui entoure votre sujet, examinez une gamme de secteurs de financement.

Vous pouvez notamment considérer :

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1. Sites Web et rapport annuels des donateurs

Voici des sources directes d’information sur les actions des bailleurs de fonds qui contiennent habituellement des renseignements sur les politiques et les budgets. Si vous réalisez vos recherches avant d’interviewer les donateurs, vos questions seront mieux ciblées et vos interviews plus solides.

2. Sources d’information en ligne

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Snippet FEA Audio A Caring Economy (ES)

Escucha esta historia aquí:

Sylvia Rivera

Sylvia Rivera fue activista por los derechos civiles, travesti y trabajadora sexual.

Conocida como la Drag Queen de color de Nueva York, Sylvia fue feroz e incansable en su voluntad por cambiar las cosas, y en su defensa de  quienes quedaron marginadxs y excluidxs cuando el movimiento por los "derechos de la comunidad gay"  se volvió predominante en los Estados Unidos, a principios de los 70.

En 1973, durante un conocido discurso por el día de Christopher Street, Sylvia gritó en medio de la multitud de integrantes de la comunidad LGBT:

"Todos ustedes me dicen, anda y esconde la cola entre las patas.
No voy a seguir aguantando esta mierda.
Me han golpeado.
Me han roto la nariz.
Me han metido en la cárcel.
He perdido mi trabajo.
He perdido mi departamento
por la liberación gay, ¿y todos ustedes me tratan así?
¿Qué carajo les pasa a todos ustedes?
¡Piensen en eso!"

En 1969, a la edad de 17 años, Sylvia participó en los emblemáticos disturbios de Stonewall, al lanzar, presuntamente, el segundo cóctel molotov para protestar por la redada policial en este bar gay de Manhattan. Siguió siendo una figura central en los levantamientos posteriores, organizando mítines y luchando contra la brutalidad policial.

En 1970, Sylvia trabajó junto con Marsha P. Johnson para establecer Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries [Acción Travesti Callejera Revolucionaria] (S.T.A.R., por sus siglas en inglés), un colectivo político y una organización que establecería proyectos de apoyo mutuo para las personas trans que vivían en la calle, aquellxs que luchaban contra la drogadicción, las que estaban encarceladas y, en particular, para las personas trans de color  que vivían en la pobreza.

Desafiante de las etiquetas, Silvia vivió la vida de una manera que retaba a las personas del movimiento de liberación gay a pensar de manera diferente. Ella dijo:

"Me fui de casa a los 10 años, en 1961.  Hice la calle en la 42. El inicio de los años 60 no era un buen momento para lxs drag queens, los chicos afeminados o los chicos que usaban maquillaje como nosotrxs. En ese entonces nos golpeaba la policía, y todo el mundo. Yo no salí realmente como drag queen hasta finales de los 60, cuando se arrestaba a lxs drag queens, qué degradación había. Recuerdo que la primera vez que me arrestaron, ni siquiera estaba vestida totalmente en drag. Estaba caminando y los policías me arrebataron de la calle. La gente ahora quiere llamarme lesbiana porque estoy con Julia, y yo digo: "No. Soy sólo yo. No soy lesbiana". Estoy cansada de que me etiqueten. Ni siquiera me gusta la etiqueta transgénero. Estoy cansada de vivir con etiquetas. Sólo quiero ser quien soy. Soy Sylvia Rivera. 

A través de su activismo y su coraje, Sylvia ofreció un espejo que reflejaba todo lo que estaba mal en la sociedad, pero también la posibilidad de transformación. Sylvia nació en 1951 y falleció en 2002.

Snippet - WITM FAQ - ES

Preguntas frecuentes

5 Major Threats

In the current context, we have identified five major threats to the struggle towards feminist just economies.


1. Financialisation of the world economy.

“Financialisation refers to the increasing importance of financial markets, financial motives, financial institutions, and financial elites in the operation of the economy and its governing institutions both at the national and international levels”. - Gerald Epstein

Epstein Gerald A. 2006: Financialization and the World Economy. Edward Elgar Publishing.

Financial institutions exert a strong influence over economic governance and the direction of development policy. The growing dominance of the corporate sector and international financial institutions in defining local and global public policies, has resulted in the capture of the State in the interest of capital. The current financial system, including controversial credit and debt policies, are integral to the reproduction and expansion of capital accumulation processes.

This raises important questions of how to regulate and re-think the global financial system, not only to avoid serious negative consequences of debt-driven crises,but to allow for sustainable livelihoods and the realization of economic and social rights without retrogression.

For more details, see the article by Balakrishnan and Heintz  “Debt, Power, and Crisis: Social Stratification and the Inequitable Governance of Financial Markets

2. Harmful trade agreements.

For the past 20 years, trade agreements (both bilateral or multilateral) have expanded their role demonstrating increased interest in Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) to be given to corporations.

IPR has clearly benefitted transnational corporations with huge impacts on the ability of poorer nations and peoples to realize human rights, notably:

  • the right to food,
  • the right to conserve,
  • the right to use and sell seeds, and
  • the right to access to essential medicines.

In addition, agriculture import liberalisation resulting in an influx of cheap goods jeopardise women’s self-employed farmers in poor countries and food security. Investment protection clauses included in trade agreements limit the policy space of national governments to create and enforce regulations on issues as crucial as environmental protection, labour rights, and the duration of copyrights.

Feminist movements have been, and are, at the forefront of resistance to these agreements exposing its pitfalls.

(See for example, the reactions by feminist networks around the globe to both the Transatlantic and TransPacific Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement negotiations.)

3. Unprecedented scale of threat to ecosystems and biodiversity.

The commodification of the Earth’s resources and resulting environmental degradation and climate change produced by decades of aggressive industrialisation, plunder and extractivism of the world’s resources, have damaged biodiversity and ecological resilience. These damages are now threatening the existence of human society itself.

The international community has failed to address production and consumption patterns sitting at the root of the problem. Instead, governments –with the support of large corporations interested in making a profit - are leaning towards a “green economy” approach promoting “energy-efficient technologies” (including nuclear energy, biofuels, genetically modified organisms and geo-engineering) and carbon trade schemes as the silver bullet.

4.Commodification of land and accelerating global phenomenon of land and resource grabbing.

While the processes of land and resource appropriation is not new – in fact, they are central struggles in colonial histories- what is new is the advanced means by which land and natural resource wealth are becoming commodities in new markets.

International Financial Institutions play a central role in promoting land markets in developing countries. These institutions finance land reforms that enable powerful actors to use land for speculative gain in exchange of meagre promises of jobs and growth. Land-grabbing has far reaching negative impacts on local peoples’ access to essential goods and services apart from displacement and environmental degradation that are associated with it.

People who are resisting land grabbing, among them women human rights defenders, face diverse forms of violence including physical attacks and sexual abuse, on a daily basis.

5. Entrenched patriarchal foundations that structure the capitalist system

This patriarchal foundation is particularly hegemonic in today’s neoliberal models.

The many ways in which political economy and development are connected to sexuality or gender is evident: think how capitalism defines what can even be characterized as labour and ties human worth to wage-labour productivity.

For the most part, women’s position in the global economy continues to be one of gender-based labour exploitation with women’s work undervalued in precarious jobs, domestic subsistence, reproduction, and in unwaged household production.  Because reproductive labour has been naturalized as women's unpaid work, it has provided an immense subsidy to capitalism at the same time as a source of gender oppression and subjugation.

This situation is aggravated by the fact that as social protection mechanisms begin to dwindle, women’s care burden increases.

Further, the phenomenon of global migration spurred on by thousands of economic refugees escaping oppressive poverty across the globe is not estranged to that of capitalist gender power relations. Remittances become a major source of development financing for the families and communities, but at a major cost for women migrants who struggle to earn a living wage in their new country.

In the same vein, we have seen how patriarchal capitalist systems are using violence and oppression to maintain their status quo. Rising global expenditures in militarism and violence, both perpetrated by state and non-state actors, is increasingly used to control dissent, women’s bodies and voice and settle economic, political and social disputes.

Across the world, violence, incarceration and discrimination disproportionately targets

  • women, communities of colour,
  • indigenous peoples,
  • people with disabilities,
  • sex workers,
  • impoverished people, and
  • LGBTQI people.

An intersectional analysis linking gender, race, ethnicity, age, ability, nationality, sexual orientation and gender identity, among other status is needed to challenge structural violence and its links with a capitalist global system.

A profound crisis in the current global governance system is also evident in the feeble inter-governmental agreements reached and how they often lack the most fundamental accountability mechanisms. The multilateral system that served global governance before is failing to respond to the current multiple crises. The same system continues to be deeply undemocratic, with increasing presence and power by corporations occupying the spaces where States used to be.

Rethinking, Renewing & Reactivating

These threats challenge feminists to re-think our framework and strategies. To renew and reactivate our commitment to movement building with others for a just economy.

They challenge us to consider broad agendas for socio-economic transformations, from a feminist perspective, in ways that address the realities of the majority of the impoverished. Now is the time to bring about change for a just economy and to address the persistent systemic challenges.


See also

Where does the project come from?

Our vision

Snippet FEA Travesti (FR)

TRAVESTI :

une identité de genre latino-américaine

Le terme travesti désigne une identité de genre latino-américaine sans équivalent dans d'autres langues, et exclusivement féminine. C'est une personne désignée de genre masculin à la naissance qui s'identifie comme une femme.

Elles doivent toujours être adressées avec le pronom “elle”. Travesti n'est pas seulement une identité de genre située en dehors de la binarité de genre, c'est aussi une identité culturelle enracinée dans les mouvements latino-américains.

Le terme était initialement péjoratif, mais a ensuite été réapproprié comme symbole de résistance et de dignité. Chaque travesti est trans parce qu'elle ne s'identifie pas au genre désigné à la naissance, mais toutes les travesti ne se considèrent pas comme femmes trans, car travesti est déjà une identité de genre en soi.

Référence: Berkins, Lohana. (2006). Travestis: una Identidad Política . Trabajo presentado en el Panel Sexualidades contemporáneas en las VIII Jornadas Nacionales de Historia de las Mujeres/ III Congreso Iberoamericano de Estudios de Género Diferencia Desigualdad. Construirnos en la diversidad, Villa Giardino, Córdoba, 25 al 28 de octubre de 2006.

Cynthia Cockburn

Cynthia Cockburn était une sociologue, écrivaine, universitaire, photographe et militante pour la paix féministe.

Elle a étudié les aspects genrés de la violence et du conflit et fait d’importantes contributions au mouvement pacifiste en explorant les thèmes de la masculinité et de la violence, ainsi que par son activisme local et international.

Ayant introduit une analyse féministe aux questions de militarisation et de guerre, Cynthia figurait parmi les universitaires dont les écrits et analyses illustraient la manière dont la violence basée sur le genre joue un rôle essentiel dans la perpétuation de la guerre. Travaillant en étroite collaboration avec des activistes pacifistes dans des pays en conflit, ses conclusions portaient sur des contextes aussi divers que l’Irlande du Nord, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, Israël et la Palestine, la Corée du Sud, le Japon, l’Espagne et le Royaume-Uni. Sa recherche et ses écrits universitaires ont permis d’éclairer le fait que la violence soit vécue selon un continuum de temps et d’échelle, et perçue très différemment lorsque l’on y applique le prisme du genre.

Elle disait que « [l]e genre nous aide à voir la continuité, la connexion entre les évènements de violence ».

Cynthia a pu mettre ses recherches en pratique grâce à son activisme local et international auprès de mouvements pour la démilitarisation, le désarmement et la paix. Elle a aidé à lancer le camp de femmes pour la paix de Greenham Common, qui prônait le désarmement nucléaire universel en Grande-Bretagne, ainsi que participé à la mise en place de la branche londonienne des Women in Black. Au fil des ans, Cynthia a organisé et participé à des veillées hebdomadaires locales et à la chorale politique Raised Voices, interprétant et écrivant certaines des paroles des chansons. Elle fut également active au sein du groupe Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), du Forum des socialistes féministes européennes et de Women Against Fundamentalism.

« Cynthia émettait une lumière féministe, tissait les communautés féministes entre elles, entonnait des chants de paix, écoutait, écoutait, écoutait, observait les oiseaux – et suspendait le flot de circulation. Je lui serai toujours reconnaissante et redevable, l’« autre » Cynthia. » – Cynthia Enloe

Cynthia est née en juillet 1934 et s’est éteinte en septembre 2019, à l’âge de 85 ans.

Body

Snippet - WITM to claim - RU

Чтобы заявить о себе как об эксперте по вопросам ресурсного обеспечения феминистских движений

Reivindicar los bienes comunes

Definición

La activista y académica Soma Kishore Parthasarathy señala que existen diversas formas de pensar los bienes comunes.

En un sentido más convencional, se los entiende como recursos naturales destinados a ser usados por quienes dependen de su uso. Sin embargo, el concepto de «bienes comunes» se ha expandido para incluir recursos como los conocimientos, la herencia, la cultura, espacios virtuales e incluso el clima. Es un concepto anterior al régimen de propiedad individual y que aportó las bases para la organización social. Las definiciones que aportan las entidades gubernamentales limitan su alcance a los recursos de la tierra y materiales.

El concepto de los bienes comunes se apoya en la práctica cultural de compartir espacios de subsistencia y recursos como dones de la naturaleza, para el bien común, y para la sostenibilidad de lo que es común a todxs.

Contexto

Los bienes comunes de la humanidad están cada vez más amenazados porque las naciones y fuerzas del mercado continúan colonizándolos, explotándolos y ocupándolos.

En algunos contextos favorables, los «bienes comunes» tienen el potencial de habilitar una posición de autonomía sobre todo para las mujeres bajo opresión económica desde la que pueden negociar sus múltiples necesidades y aspiraciones.

Perspectiva feminista

Cuando a las mujeres y a otros géneros oprimidos se les niega el acceso a los bienes comunes y la posibilidad de controlarlos, se refuerza el patriarcado.

Por eso, una economía feminista busca restaurar los derechos legítimos de las comunidades a estos recursos comunes. Esa autonomía les permite mantenerse a sí mismas al mismo tiempo que desarrollan sistemas más igualitarios de gobernabilidad y de uso de esos recursos. Una economía feminista reconoce los roles de las mujeres y les ofrece las mismas oportunidades para tomar decisiones, es decir, las coloca en igualdad de condiciones como demandantes de esos recursos.


Para leer más acerca de esta propuesta:

Snippet Intro The Feminist Realities Magazine (EN)

The Feminist Realities Magazine

Feminist Realities are embedded in the multiple ways that show us that there is a different way of living, thinking and doing - from the daily expressions of how we live and relate to each other, to alternative systems of governance and justice. Feminist Realities resist dominant power systems such as patriarchy, capitalism, and white supremacy. 

These are powerful propositions that orient us toward a vision of what is possible, and show how feminist organizing is blazing a path toward justice in movements and communities around the world. 

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Binta Sarr

Binta Sarr was an activist for social, economic, cultural and political justice, and a hydraulic engineer in Senegal. After 13 years in civil service, she left this path to work with rural and marginalized women. 

Out of this engagement grew the Association for the Advancement of Senegalese Women (APROFES), a grassroots movement and organization Binta founded in 1987. One of her main approaches was leadership training, relating not only to economic activities but also to women's rights and access to positions of decision-making. 

“Grassroots populations must organize, mobilize, assume citizen control and demand democratic governance in all sectors of public space. The priority of social movements must go beyond the fight against poverty and must be focused on articulated and coherent development programs in line with human rights principles, while taking into account their needs and concerns both at the national and sub-regional levels and from a perspective of African and global integration.” - Binta Sarr

Rooted in Binta’s conviction that fundamental change in women’s status requires transformation in male attitudes, APROFES took an interdisciplinary approach, using radio, seminars and popular theatre, as well as providing innovative public education and cultural support for awareness-raising actions. Its popular theatre troupe performed original pieces on the caste system in Senegal, alcoholism, and conjugal violence. Binta and her team also looked at the crucial connection between the community and the broader world.

“For APROFES, it is a question of studying and taking into account the interactions between the micro and the macro, the local and the global and also, the different facets of development. From slavery to colonization, neocolonialism and the commodification of human development, most of the resources of Africa and the Third World (oil, gold, minerals and other natural resources) are still under the control of financial cartels and other multinationals that dominate this globalized world.” - Binta Sarr

Binta was one of the founding members of the female section of the Cultural and Sports Association Magg Daan. She received commendations from the Regional Governor and the Minister of Hydrology for her "devotion to rural people."

Born in 1954 in Guiguineo, a small rural town, Binta passed away in September 2019.


Tributes:

“The loss is immeasurable, the pain is heavy and deep but we will resist so as not to mourn Binta; we will not mourn Binta, we will keep the image of her broad smile in all circumstances, to resist and be inspired by her, maintain, consolidate and develop her work…” - Aprofes Facebook page, September 24, 2019

"Farewell Binta! We believe your immense heritage will be preserved." - Elimane FALL, president of ACS Magg-Daan