Análisis Especiales

AWID es un organización feminista internacional de membresía, que brinda apoyo a los movimientos que trabajan para lograr la justicia de género y los derechos de las mujeres en todo el mundo.

Foro de AWID: Co-creando futuros feministas

En septiembre de 2016, 1800 feministas y activistas por los derechos de las mujeres de todos los rincones de nuestros movimientos se congregaron en las costas de Bahia, en el 13º Foro Internacional de AWID.

En esta sección se destacan los logros, los aprendizajes y los recursos que surgieron de las ricas conversaciones mantenidas. Te invitamos a analizar, compartir y comentar.


¿Qué ha pasado desde 2016?

Uno de los aportes más importantes del Foro fue la necesidad de ampliar y profundizar nuestro trabajo entre movimientos, frente a la confluencia de los fascismos en auge, fundamentalismos, codicia corporativa y cambio climático.

Con esto en mente, AWID, en asociación con múltiples aliadxs, ha estado trabajando para que estas semillas de resistencia:

AWID se ha comprometido, mediante su próximo plan estratégico y su proceso del Foro, a continuar y profundizar las relaciones, las lecciones y los procesos iniciados en el Foro 2016 y basándonos en el momento actual.

¿Que pasa ahora?

El mundo es un lugar muy diferente de lo que era un año atrás, y seguirá cambiando en los próximos años.

El próximo Foro de AWID se realizará en la región del Pacífico Asiático (el lugar y la fecha exactos serán anunciados en 2018). Esperamos que te unas a nosotrxs.

Sobre el Foro de AWID

Los Foros de AWID comenzaron en 1983 en Washington DC. Desde entonces, el evento ha crecido hasta convertirse en muchas cosas para muchas personas: un proceso iterativo para darle forma a nuestros análisis, objetivos y acciones; un hito crucial que fortalece los feminismos de lxs participantes e infunde energías a sus procesos de organización; un hogar político donde lxs defensoras de derechos humanos encuentran un santuario y solidaridad.

Más información sobre los Foros anteriores

Contenido relacionado

Snippet FEA Get Involved Story 3 (FR)

ENGAGEZ-VOUS!

Suivez le travail de la coopérative sur Facebook ou Instagram, partagez leurs campagnes et gardez un oeil sur leurs actions et événements de collecte de fonds!

Lorena Borjas

Lorena Borjas, una mujer trans latina y activista, vivía y trabajaba en el barrio de Jackson Heights de Queens, en la ciudad de Nueva York. En esas calles, cuidó de su comunidad durante años, defendiendo los derechos de las personas trans e inmigrantes, apoyando a lxs sobrevivientes del tráfico humano y del abuso, y haciendo campaña por los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y de las personas que viven con VIH y SIDA.

Lorena era fuerte e incansable en su lucha por apoyar, defender y proteger a quienes son más marginalizadxs y discriminadxs por la transfobia, la misoginia y el racismo.

«Ella nos empujaba a brillar auténticamente, a  convertirnos en un grito de subversión que dice “Aquí estoy, y merezco felicidad también”.» - Cecilia Gentili, activista trans amiga de Lorena

Luego de haber enfrentado ella misma numerosos traumas y dificultades como mujer trans inmigrante y víctima de tráfico humano, recabó conocimientos y memoria emocional de la fuente de sus propias experiencias para ayudar a construir y fortalecer la comunidad de la cual era parte, y que era parte de ella. Algunas de las formas en que llevó esto a cabo fue organizando y movilizando apoyo, que abarcaba desde proveer preservativos y conectar a las mujeres trans con distintos servicios sociales, hasta armar una clínica para el testeo de VIH en su propia casa.

«Era un alma tan bella que ayudaba a otrxs, aun cuando su propio camino era difícil y doloroso como inmigrante, como inmigrante trans. Creía que la comunidad trans necesitaba amor, aceptación, y compasión, y lo daba todo.» - Luchia Dragosh, supervisora de producción de QPTV de un documental sobre Lorena

En sus más de 25 años de activismo, también fundó con Chase Strangio (abogadx y activista por los derechos trans) el Lorena Borjas Community Fund. Este fondo ayuda a lxs diferentes integrantes de su comunidad (y en especial a las personas trans) que lidian con problemas de inmigración, para evitar el ciclo de arresto-cárcel-deportación.

Lorena falleció en marzo de 2020 por complicaciones derivadas del COVID-19.

Su enorme y hermoso legado será llevado adelante a través de las calles de Queens por la red y la comunidad que ella ayudó a crear.

« Continuaremos su trabajo desde donde ella lo dejó, un trabajo que es esencial para el bienestar de “mis pájaras”, como llamaba Lorena a las chicas trans de Queens que protegía bajo su ala.» - Cecilia Gentili


Tributos:

 «Lorena nos trajo luz, cuando atravesábamos tiempos muy oscuros aquí en Nueva York. Nos trajo luz cuando tuvimos que enfrentar la epidemia del crack, cuando tuvimos que enfrentar la crisis del SIDA, cuando tuvimos que enfrentar los cambios en las políticas de inmigración.» - Cristina Herrera, fundadora y CEO de Translatina Network y amiga de Lorena

«Lorena ha hecho más que nadie que yo conozca para arrojar luz sobre la epidemia del tráfico en las comunidades transgénero y para ayudar a otras mujeres trans a escapar de la explotación.» - Lynly Egyes, representante de Borjas en nombre del Transgender Law Center

Mira un documental sobre Lorena Borjas (solo en inglés)

Lee un artículo publicado en The New Yorker sobre Lorena Borjas (solo en inglés)

Lee una nota de opinión de Cecilia Gentili publicada en The New York Times (solo en inglés)

Como posso aceder ao inquérito?

O inquérito está disponível no KOBO, uma plataforma de código aberto para recolher, gerir e visualizar dados. Para participar, basta clicar na ligação do inquérito aqui. Siga as instruções para preencher o inquérito. 

Key opposition discourses

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.


Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.


Other Chapters

Read the full report

Snippet FEA how important essential workers are (EN)

The COVID-19 pandemic showed the world how important essential workers are. We’re talking about cleaners, nurses, paramedics, domestic workers, transport workers, grocery shop workers, among others. Their work is to tend to and guarantee the wellbeing of others, and they make our economies function.

But while they take care of us…

Cristina Bautista

« Si nous nous taisons, ils nous tuent, et si nous parlons [ils nous tuent] aussi. Alors parlons. »  -  Cristina Bautista, 2019

Cristina Bautista était membre de la communauté autochtone du peuple Nasa, qui vit dans la région nord du Cauca en Colombie. Elle participait à la résistance en tant que leader, défenseuse des droits fonciers, travailleuse sociale et gouverneure de la réserve autochtone Nasa de Tacueyó.

Défenseuse infatigable des droits du peuple Nasa, Cristina s’est exprimée haut et fort contre la violence à l’égard de sa communauté. Dans un discours devant les Nations Unies, elle appelait à protéger les vies des femmes autochtones et à les impliquer dans différents domaines de la vie. En 2017, Cristina était membre du Bureau des Nations Unies pour les droits humains des personnes autochtones. Le Fonds de contributions volontaires des Nations Unies pour les populations autochtones lui a octroyé une subvention en 2019. 

« J’aimerais mettre en lumière la situation actuelle du peuple autochtone en Colombie, le meurtre de leaders autochtones, la répression de la contestation sociale. Au lieu d’aider, l’accord de paix a renforcé la guerre et l’exploitation de territoires sacrés en Colombie… Actuellement, nous travaillons en tant que femmes, dans presque toutes les nations autochtones, à un avenir meilleur pour nos familles. Je ne veux pas voir plus de femmes vivre dans ces conditions en milieu rural. Il nous faut des opportunités qui permettent aux femmes autochtones de participer à la vie politique, à l’économie, à la société et à la culture. J’acquiers une réelle force aujourd’hui, en voyant toutes ces femmes ici, et en voyant que je ne suis pas seule. » - Cristina Bautista, 2019

Cristina a été assassinée le 29 octobre 2019, ainsi que quatre autres membres de la garde autochtone désarmée, dans une attaque potentiellement menée par des membres de « Dagoberto Ramos », un groupe dissident FARC.  

D’après Global Witness, « le nombre d’assassinats de leaders communautaires et sociaux·les a terriblement augmenté en Colombie au cours de ces dernières années ». 

« La communauté nasa a prévenu à maintes reprises les autorités au sujet des menaces qui pèsent sur leur sécurité. Malgré les efforts déployés par les gouvernements colombiens successifs, les peuples autochtones continuent de faire face à d'importants risques, surtout les dirigeants communautaires ou religieux comme Cristina Bautista.» - Point presse des Nations Unies, 1er novembre 2019

Visionnez le discours de Cristina Bautista d’août 2019 où elle dénonce de précédents assassinats de membres de la garde autochtone (en espagnol)

هل استطلاع "أين المال" متاح للأشخاص ذوي/ات الإعاقات؟

نعم، انه متاح للأشخاص أصحاب/ صاحبات الإعاقات السمعية، البصرية، النظرية والفكرية المختلفة.

When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.

El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:

  • [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
  • [icon] Sistemas políticos
  • [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.

 

Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.

Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible.   Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.

Snippet FEA collaborator and allies Photo 3 (ES)

La foto presenta a cinco mujeres (Sopo está en el medio) de pie en lo alto de una escalera, frente a un muro de piedra, sosteniendo carteles en los que están escritos eslóganes georgianos.

Ayanda Denge

“I am a wonder… Therefore I have been born by a mother! As I begin to stutter, my life has been like no other…” - Ayanda Denge  (read the whole poem below)

Ayanda Denge was a transwomxn, sex worker, activist, poet. She was Xhosa, from Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape of South Africa. After travelling through different cities of the country, she moved to Cape Town. 

As a committed and fervent social justice activist, she fought for the rights of sex workers, trans persons, and for those of people living with HIV and AIDS. She was also a motivational speaker on cancer awareness, and campaigned for affordable and social housing, especially for poor and working-class people. Ayanda stood tall as a mountain against different and often abusive faces of discrimination. 

“Being transgender is not a double dose, but it’s a triple dose of stigmatisation and discrimination. You are discriminated against for your sexual identity, you are discriminated against for your work, and you are discriminated against for your HIV status.” - Ayanda Denge, 2016

She was acting chairperson at the Sex Workers Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT) and also worked as an Outreach Coordinator at Sisonke, a national sex workers’ movement in South Africa. 

“From us, from our regional head office, to SWEAT where I sit on the board, to Sisonke, a movement of sex workers in Cape Town. We all amalgamate, we have one cry and it’s a cry that is recognised internationally by international sex workers. We want decriminalisation of sex work.” - Ayanda Denge, 2016

She lived in the Ahmed Kathrada House, which was being occupied by the Reclaim the City campaign for social housing. In 2018, Ayanda was elected house leader. On 24 March 2019, she was stabbed to death in her room. The year prior, another resident was killed.

Reclaim the City draws a connection between the safety of the house residents and the Provincial Government withholding electricity and the human right to water: 

“We cannot separate the safety of women and LGBTQI people living in the occupation from the refusal by the Western Cape Provincial Government to turn the electricity and water back on at Ahmed Kathrada House.

The house is pitch black at night. We need lights to keep each other safe. It is as if the Province wishes to punish poor and working class people, whose only crime is that we needed a home. While they may disagree with our reasons for occupying, they should be ashamed of themselves for putting politics before the safety and dignity of residents of this city.

Rest in Peace comrade Ayanda Denge, we shall remember you as we carry the torch forward in the struggle for decent well-located housing.”

Poem by Ayanda: 

I am a wonder…
Therefore I have been born by a mother!
As I begin to stutter,
My life has been like no other.
Born in pain
Nourished by rain
For me to gain
Was living in a drain.
As I shed a tear
I stand up and hold my spear.
Voices echo, do not fear
Challenges within a year,
Challenges of hurt are on my case;
Community applauds as they assume I have won my race;
But in reality my work strides at a tortoise pace;
On bended knee I bow and ask for grace.
For the Lord
Is my Sword;
To remind humanity
That he provides sanity.
Why Lord am I this wonder?
The Lord answers me with the rain and thunder,
For questioning my father
Who has in the book of lambs
A name called Ayanda.
From the streets my life was never sweet
The people I had to meet;
At times I would never greet;
Even though I had to eat;
I’d opt to take a bow
Rather than a seat

Listen to the poem in Ayanda’s voice

“For my life represents that of a lotus flower, that out of murky and troubled waters I bloomed to be beautiful and strong...” - Ayanda Denge, watch and listen 


Tributes: 

“Ayanda, I want to say to you that you are still a survivor, in our hearts and minds. You are gone but you are everywhere, because you are love. How beautiful it is to be loved, and to give love. And Ayanda, that is the gift that you have given us. Thank you for all of the love, we truly did need you. Going forward, I promise to you that we will all commit to continue with the struggle that you have dedicated so much energy and your time to. And we will commit ourselves to pursuing justice in this awful ending to your life.” - Transcript of a message, in a farewell Tribute to Ayanda

“Ayanda was an activist by nature. She knew her rights and would not mind fighting for the rights of others. For me, it was no shock that she was involved with many organizations and it was known that she was a people’s person. It did not need to be the rights of LGBTI but just the rights of everyone that she stood for.” - Ayanda’s sister
 

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Snippet FEA Meet the Solidarity Network (FR)

SYNDICAT RÉSEAU SOLIDARITÉ

Nous vous présentons le syndicat Réseau Solidarité, un syndicat de la santé et des services dirigé majoritairement par des femmes. Émergeant en réponse à la précarité croissante, aux salaires insuffisants et aux environnements de travail hostiles auxquels les travailleur·euses géorgien·es sont confrontés quotidiennement, le Syndicat Réseau Solidarité se bat pour des lieux et des conditions de travail décents.

Son objectif? Créer un mouvement syndical national démocratique. Pour ce faire, il s'est associé à d'autres syndicats locaux et régionaux et a lentement constitué un réseau de syndicats, permettant à de plus en plus de travailleuses de devenir dirigeantes syndicales en cours de route.

Son approche politique est holistique. Pour le syndicat Réseau Solidarité, les questions relatives aux droits du travail sont directement liées aux programmes et réformes politiques et économiques nationaux plus larges. C'est pourquoi iels font pression pour la justice fiscale, les droits des femmes et des personnes LGBTQIA+, et luttent contre le démantèlement de l'État-providence géorgien.

Le syndicat Réseau Solidarité fait également partie de Grève Sociale Transnationale (Transnational Social Strike, TSS), une plate-forme et infrastructure politique inspirée par l'organisation des migrant·e·s, des femmes et des travailleur·euses essentiel·les qui s'efforcent de créer des liens entre les mouvements ouvriers à travers le monde et de fomenter la solidarité globale.