Jean-Marc Ferré | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
A general view of participants at the 16th session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland.

Análisis Especiales

AWID es un organización feminista internacional de membresía, que brinda apoyo a los movimientos que trabajan para lograr la justicia de género y los derechos de las mujeres en todo el mundo.

Consejo de Derechos Humanos (CDH)

El Consejo de Derechos Humanos (CDH) es el cuerpo intergubernamental del sistema de las Naciones Unidas responsable de la promoción y protección de todos los derechos humanos en todo el mundo. El HRC se reúne en sesión ordinaria tres veces al año, en marzo, junio y septiembre.  La La Oficina del Alto Comisionado para los Derechos Humanos (ACNUDH) es la secretaría del Consejo de Derechos Humanos.

El CDH  trabaja de la siguiente forma:

  • Debate y aprueba resoluciones sobre cuestiones mundiales de derechos humanos y el estado de los derechos humanos en determinados países

  • Examina las denuncias de víctimas de violaciones a los derechos humanos o las de organizaciones activistas, quienes interponen estas denuncias representando a lxs víctimas.

  • Nombra a expertos independientes que ejecutarán los «Procedimientos Especiales» revisando y presentado informes sobre las  violaciones a los derechos humanos desde una perspectiva temática o en relación a un país específico

  • Participa en discusiones con expertos y  gobiernos respecto a cuestiones de derechos humanos.

  • A través del Examen Periódico Universal, cada cuatro años y medio, se evalúan los  expedientes de derechos humanos de todos los Estados Miembro de las Naciones Unidas

Aprende más sobre el CDH


La Sesión actual - CDH44

Se está llevarando a cabo en Ginebra, Suiza del 30 de junio al 17 de julio de 2020.

AWID trabaja con socios feministas, progresistas y de derechos humanos para compartir conocimientos clave, convocar diálogos y eventos de la sociedad civil, e influir en las negociaciones y los resultados de la sesión.

Con nuestrxs socixs, nuestro trabajo será:


◾️ Monitorear, rastrear y analizar actores, discursos y estrategias anti-derechos y su impacto en las resoluciones

◾️ Desarrollar conjuntamente una labor de promoción conjunta para contrarrestar a los actores anti-derechos y debatir más a fondo las conclusiones del Informe de Tendencias de OUR de 2017

◾️ Apoyar, coordinar y desarrollar de manera colaborativa el Caucus feminista emergente en el CDH

 

Contenido relacionado

Fadila M.

Fadila M. était une activiste “tribale” Soulaliyate d’Azrou, dans la province marocaine d’Ifrane. Elle s'est battue contre une forme spécifique de discrimination à l'égard des femmes “tribales” liée à la propriété foncière.

Dans le cadre du Mouvement en faveur des droits fonciers des femmes Soulaliyates, elle a travaillé pour la révision de la législation-cadre relative à la gestion des biens communautaires, avec l'adoption en 2019 de trois projets de lois garantissant l'égalité des femmes et des hommes. 

Selon le droit coutumier en vigueur, les femmes n'avaient pas le droit de bénéficier de la terre, surtout celles qui étaient célibataires, veuves ou divorcées. Au Maroc, les droits à la terre collective se transmettaient traditionnellement entre les membres masculins de plus de 16 ans issus d’une même famille. Depuis 2007, Fadila M. faisait partie du mouvement des femmes, à savoir la première mobilisation populaire nationale de revendication de leurs droits fonciers. Parmi leurs victoires, citons le fait qu'en 2012, les femmes Soulaliyates ont pu, pour la première fois, s'inscrire sur les listes de bénéficiaires et disposer d'une indemnisation liée à la cession des terres. Le mouvement a également réussi à faire modifier le dahir de 1919 (décret du roi du Maroc) de façon à garantir aux femmes le droit à l'égalité.

Fadila M. s’est éteinte le 27 septembre 2018. Les circonstances de sa mort, survenue alors qu’elle participait à une marche de protestation sur la question des terres collectives, ne sont pas claires. Si les autorités déclarent que sa mort est accidentelle et qu'elle a fait un arrêt cardiaque sur le chemin de l'hôpital, la section locale de l'Association marocaine des droits de l'homme (AMDH), affirme quant à elle que Fadila a été étouffée par un membre des forces policières arborant un drapeau marocain. Sa famille a demandé qu’une enquête soit menée mais les résultats de l'autopsie n'ont pas été communiqués.

Apprenez-en davantage sur le Mouvement en faveur des droits fonciers des femmes Soulaliyates 


Veuillez noter: Nous n'avons pu trouver aucune photo de Fadima M. C'est pourquoi cette illustration (au lieu d'un portrait) représente ce pour quoi elle s'est battue et a travaillé : la terre et le droit d'y vivre et d'avoir accès à cette terre et ce qui y pousse.

Je suis novice dans ce domaine et beaucoup de concepts me semblent déroutants. Pouvez-vous m’aider ?

Доступен ли опрос для людей с ограниченными возможностями?

Да, опрос доступен людям с различными нарушениями слуха, зрения, движений и когнитивных способностей.

Background

Why this resource?

While active participants on the front lines of protests and uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), women became invisible, absent from processes of formation of the new states, and excluded from decision-making roles, responsibilities, and positions in the aftermath of the uprisings. Except in rare cases, men dominated leadership positions in transitional structures, including the constitutional reform and electoral committees[i]. Subsequent elections brought very few women to parliamentary and ministerial positions.

Additionally, a strong and immediate backlash against women and women’s rights has clearly emerged in the aftermath. The rise of new religious fundamentalist groups with renewed patriarchal agendas aiming to obliterate previous gains of the women’s movements even in countries with longer histories of women’s rights, such as Tunisia, has been very alarming.

The varying contexts of governance and transition processes across the MENA countries presents an important opportunity for women human rights defenders to shape the future of these democracies. However, the lack of prioritization of women’s rights issues in the emerging transitions and the aforementioned backlash have posed a variety of complex challenges for the women’s movements. Faced with these enormous challenges and possibilities, women’s rights activists have been struggling to forge ahead a democratic future inclusive and only possible with women’s rights and equality. The particular historical and contextual legacies that impact women’s movements in each country continue to bear on the current capacities, strategies, and overall preparedness of the women’s movements to take on such a challenge. Burdened with daily human rights violations in one context, with lack of resources and tools in another, with organizational tensions in a third, in addition to the constant attacks on them as activists, women human rights defenders have voiced their desire to be more equipped with knowledge and tools to be effective and proactive in engaging with these fast-changing environments. Conceptual clarity and greater understanding of notions and practices of democratization, transitional justice tools and mechanisms, political governance and participation processes, international and local mechanisms, movement building strategies, constitutional reform possibilities, and secularization of public space and government are important steps to defining future strategic action.

It is clear that feminists and women’s rights activists cannot wait for women’s rights to be addressed after transitions – issues must be addressed as the new power configurations are forming. Experiences of earlier moments of transition, namely from colonial rule, have clearly demonstrated that women’s rights have to be inherently part of the transition movement towards a more just and equal society.

What is included?

This publication represents a research mapping of key resources, publications and materials on transitions to democracy and women’s rights in different countries of the world that have undergone such processes, such as: Indonesia, Chile, South Africa, Nepal, Mexico, Argentina, Poland, Ukraine, as well as within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It provides bibliographic information and short summaries of resources which succinctly identify the contextual changes and challenges facing women in those particular transitional moments, as well as clearly delineates the ways in which women’s rights activists sought to confront those challenges and what lessons were learned.

A key criterion in the selection process was the primacy of a women’s rights/feminist perspective; the few exceptions to this rule offer a unique and, we hope, useful, perspective on the issues that women’s rights organizations and activists face in the region.  The texts have been selected to provide a wide range of information, relevant to women human rights defenders working from the grassroots to the international level, across issues (including different case studies and examples), from different perspectives (international human rights bodies, academic institutions, NGO contributions, activists’ experiences, etc.), and at a wide range of levels of complexity, in order to respond to the needs of as many readers as possible.

The mapping clusters resources under six major categories:

  • Transitions to Democracy
  • Political Participation
  • Movement Building
  • Transitional Justice
  • Constitutional/Legal Reform
  • Responses to Fundamentalisms

 


[i]This and other context points are drawn from the report from Pre AWID Forum meeting on Women’s Rights in Transitions to Democracy: Achieving Rights, Resisting Backlash, collaboratively organized by AWID, the Equality Without Reservation Coalition, Global Fund for Women and Women’s Learning Partnership

Snippet FEA Workers demonstrations in Georgia 2 (FR)

La photo montre une manifestation où une foule de personnes tient une bannière en géorgien qui se lit comme suit : « Le 8 mars pour les femmes travailleuses ».

Dorothy Masuka

“I didn’t plan to be a singer, singing planned to be in me.” - Dorothy Masuka (interview with Mail & Guardian)

Dorothy Masuka, born 1935 in Bulawayo (then Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe), grew up in South Africa to become a well-known songwriter, composer, jazz singer and activist, a fervent advocate of the struggle against apartheid. Called “an architect of the discourse of popular African liberation music”, Dorothy often sang about politics in indigenous African languages and throughout her work she confronted the racist policies of the South African government.

One such song titled “Dr. Malan” (named after the pro-apartheid politician D.F. Malan) was banned. She went on to record “Lumumba” (1961), a song about the assassination of the anti-colonial leader Patrice Lumumba. Dorothy’s work and activism attracted the attention of the Special Branch of the South African police and she was forced into a political exile that would span over three decades. Throughout this time, she worked with pro-independence groups including the African National Congress. In 1992, as apartheid started to crumble and Nelson Mandela was released from prison, she returned to South Africa. 

Some of her other work includes the first song she recorded in 1953 entitled “Hamba Notsokolo”, a hit in the 1950s and a valued classic. She also wrote “El Yow Phata Phata”, a song that was adapted by Miriam Makeba, making “Pata, Pata” popular internationally.

Rooted in resistance, Dorothy’s music and activism were intertwined, leaving a magnificent and inspiring legacy. She was also widely known as “Auntie Dot”. 

On 23 February 2019 at the age of 83, Dorothy passed away in Johannesburg due to ill health. 


Watch Dorothy Masuka in an interview with Mail & Guardian

Listen to some of her music:

Hamba Nontsokolo
El Yow Phata Phata
 

I am a women human rights defender (WHRD) and am currently under threat. Where can I go for help?

Quanto tempo demora a preencher o inquérito?

O tempo estimado para preencher o inquérito é 30 minutos.

Twitter Test

Snippet FEA Unfair Policies (EN)

Pink justice scales

UNFAIR POLICIES

Esther Mwikali

El hogar de Esther Mwikali estaba en la aldea de Mithini, en el condado de Murang'a, Kenya. Esther fue una defensora del derecho a la tierra destacada y valorada que investigó los abusos contra okupas de tierras reclamadas por magnates. La investigación de la que participó Esther incluyó también violaciones del derecho a la tierra cometidas por personas con poder en Makuyu.

Luego de que Esther faltara a una de las reuniones de la aldea, un grupo de búsqueda  salió a rastrear a Esther. El 27 de agosto de 2019, dos días después de su desaparición, el cuerpo de Esther fue encontrado en una granja cerca de su casa, con signos de tortura. Esther había sido brutalmente asesinada.

"El trabajo de Esther por evitar el desalojo de lxs integrantes de las comunidades de las tierras reclamadas por magnates era conocido por todxs. Para lxs activistas locales no existía ninguna duda de que su asesinato estaba relacionado con las luchas en la zona por el acceso a la tierra; un trágico recordatorio de la alarmante frecuencia con que se llevan a cabo las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Kenia."- Global Wittness Report, Julio 2020

"Asociamos la muerte de Mwikali con las luchas locales por el derecho a la tierra,  y exigimos al Gobierno que investigue el asunto sin demora." - James Mburu, portavoz de lxs okupas.

"Es necesario tomar medidas con respecto a las personas que presuntamente han amenazado a lxs ocupantes ilegales, incluida la familia de Mwikali". - Alice Karanja, Coalición Nacional de Defensorxs de Derechos Humanos

"El impacto de su trabajo y su tenacidad permanecerán vivos en Kenia durante décadas. El CJGEA consuela a las personas afligidas y pide justicia". - Comunicado de prensa del Centro para la Justicia y la Acción Gubernamental (CJGEA, por sus siglas en inglés), 13 de septiembre de 2019

2008: la Conferencia Internacional de Doha se lleva a cabo con resultados limitados

Conferencia Internacional de Seguimiento sobre la Financiación para el Desarrollo, Doha, Qatar

  • La Conferencia de Doha se propuso examinar la aplicación del Consenso de Monterrey. Retomó las seis áreas de la financiación para el desarrollo, pero los progresos sustantivos alcanzados fueron mínimos.
  • Si bien el Documento Final de Doha fue más allá que el de Monterrey en cuanto a la igualdad de género, tampoco avanzó lo suficiente. En su declaración, el WWG subrayó que los compromisos de la Declaración de Doha en materia de igualdad de género solo tendrán sentido si se abordan decididamente las cuestiones sistemáticas que subyacen a la pobreza y la distribución desigual de poder y recursos en la economía política global.
  • Además de la conferencia central, en Doha se desarrolló un foro paralelo de la sociedad civil organizado por el Doha NGO Group for Financing for Development [Grupo de ONG en Doha por la Financiación para el Desarrollo, DNG en inglés] que exigió cambios estructurales en la economía global, así como políticas que dieran prioridad a los derechos de los pueblos, respetaran y promovieran los derechos humanos.

Become a member - English (homepage block)

Join Us

By joining AWID, you are becoming part of worldwide feminist organizing, a collective power that is rooted in working across movements and is based on solidarity.

Become a Member

لا أشعر بالراحة لمشاركة اسمي او اسم مجموعتي، منظمتي و\ أو حركتي مع AWID, هل أستطيع مع ذلك تعبئة الاستطلاع؟

طبعاً! هذه الأسئلة اختيارية. نقدّر جداً حقكم بالسرية. الرجاء تعبئة الاستطلاع دون علاقة بقراركم/ن بمشاركة اسم المجموعة، المنظمة أو الحركة أو تفاصيل التواصل معكم/ن.

Funding Ideas

This page provides ideas and inspiration for how you can fund your participation at the 14th AWID International Forum. 

As you plan the activity you would like to do at the Forum, please also consider how you will fund your participation. Typical Costs include: accommodation, travel, visa, forum registration fees, etc.

It is important to note that this Forum will have many ‘open spaces’ and moments for movements to learn and exchange, but fewer formal sessions. (See “Ways to describe the Forum in your fundraising” below for language to use in your outreach.) 

Work with your current funders:

Reach out to your current donors first : Your best option is always a current funder that you have.

Make sure to do it in advance : We recommend contacting them by early 2020 at the latest. Many funders who support feminist organizations have some budget allocated for Forum travel. Others may be able to include it in renewal grants or through other travel funds.

If your group has funders, tell them that you want to attend the AWID Forum to learn, experience, exchange and network- even if your activity does not get selected for the final program. In order to be able to support your participation, your donors will need to know about it well in advance so tell them right away! (they are already deciding which funds they will distribute in 2020).

Seeking new funders:

If you do not currently have donor support or are not able to secure grants for Forum travel, consider reaching out to new donors. 

Deadlines and requirements vary by funder, and a  grant review process can take many months. If you’re considering applying for new grants, do so as soon as possible.

Creative inspiration:

Feminist movements have long gotten creative with funding our own activism. Here are some ideas that we have gathered to inspire alternative ways of fundraising:

  • Mobilize your community to support participation: fundraise with small contributions from members through community dinners, dance parties, and local shows, events and tours
  • Mobilize your networks by organizing giving circles and crowdsourcing using various online tools like gofundme, indiegogo, plumfund, or kickstarter
  • Cultivate local sources of income, including from individual donors and membership dues    
  • Consider co-funding through strategic partnerships with other community and social justice groups.

For more inspiration, see AWID’s ongoing series on autonomous resourcing, including specific ideas for conference raising participation funds. 

Access Fund:

AWID strives to make the Forum a truly global gathering with participation from diverse movements, regions and generations. To this end, AWID mobilizes resources for a limited Access Fund (AF) to assist Forum participants with the costs of attending the Forum.

AWID’s Access Fund will provide support to a limited number of Forum participants and session/activity facilitators. You can indicate in your application if you would like to apply to the AWID Access Fund. This is not guaranteed, and we strongly encourage you to seek alternative funding for your participation and travel to the Forum.

Even if you apply for the AWID Access Fund, we encourage you to continue to explore other options to fund your participation in the Forum.  Access Fund decisions will be confirmed by the end of June 2020. Please remember that these resources are very limited, and we will be unable to support all applicants. 


Ways to describe the Forum in your fundraising: 

As you reach out to funders or your own networks, here is some sample messaging that may be helpful. Feel free to adapt it in whatever way is useful for you!

The AWID Forum is a co-created feminist movement space that energizes participants in their own activism, and strengthens connections with others across multiple rights and justice movements. Participants get to draw from wells of hope, energy and radical imagination, as well as deepen shared analysis, learning, and build cross-movement solidarity to develop more integrated agendas and advance joint strategies.

Our organization is seeking funds to attend the Forum in order to connect with other activists and movements from around the world, strengthen our strategies, and share our work. We are inspired by past participants, who have described the power of this global feminist gathering:

“Over four days … voices weaved together into a global perspective on the state of gender equality. And when I say global, I mean simultaneous translation into seven languages kind of global  ....”

“It was reminding us that we are not alone. The Forum provided a means of translating collectivity into our movements. Whether across ideologies, identities or borders, our strength is in our vision and our support of one another.”

It is important to note that this Forum will have many ‘open spaces’ and moments for movements to learn and exchange, but fewer formal sessions. While many attendees will not be presenting in formal sessions, there will be invaluable space to learn, strategize, and experience feminist movements’ collective power in action.

Budget considerations: 

When calculating your costs and how much you need to raise, it is important to factor in costs that may come up. Here’s an example of key items to consider:

  • Airfare
  • Forum registration fees (please note that even if you are granted Access Funds by AWID, you will have to cover your registration fee yourself)
  • Visa costs
  • Travel health insurance
  • Local travel to and from the airport (taxis or other transportation)
  • Layover costs, such as hotels and meals if your plane travel requires a long layover
  • Accommodation, including giving yourself a day to recover on either end if you have traveled far
  • Technology, including WiFi access or fees for international communication as needed during travel (AWID will provide WiFi during the Forum)
  • Materials costs for any items (visuals, reports, artwork!) you want to bring, share, or exchange at the Forum 
  • Incidentals and/or per diems to cover food and other items that come up (all lunches and coffee/tea breaks, plus one dinner will be provided by AWID during Forum days) 
  • Accessibility, such as any additional support that may be important to make your travel more comfortable, safe, and secure

We look forward to seeing you at the Forum!

 


The Forum is a collaborative process

The AWID Forum will now take place 11-14 January 2021 in Taipei .

It is more than a four-day convening. It is one more stop on a movement strengthening journey around Feminist Realities that has already begun and will continue well beyond the Forum dates.

Join us on this journey!

Snippet FEA Sopo Japaridze (ES)

Tenemos el placer de presentarte a Sopo Japaridze, feminista feroz, líder sindical y presidenta del sindicato independiente de servicios Red de Solidaridad.

Dejó el país cuando era muy joven para ir a los Estados Unidos, donde se volvió políticamente muy activa como organizadora laboral. Siempre mantuvo a Georgia en su mente todo ese tiempo, hasta que un día, dos décadas después, decidió regresar.

La confederación sindical georgiana existente en este momento era menos que ideal. Entonces, equipada con sus habilidades, conocimientos y experiencia en organización laboral, Sopo regresó a Georgia y formó su propio sindicato.

También es una apasionada investigadora y escritora. Estudia relaciones laborales y sociales, escribe para varias publicaciones y es una de lxs editorxs de Left East, una plataforma analítica de Europa del Este. También cofundó la iniciativa y el podcast de historia política, Reimaginando la Georgia soviética, donde explora las complejidades y los matices de las experiencias del país bajo la Unión Soviética, para entender mejor su pasado y construir un futuro mejor.

Stacey Park Milbern

« Je n’y connais pas grand-chose sur la spiritualité ou sur ce qui se passe lorsqu’on meurt, mais ma vie de queer crip coréenne me laisse penser que notre esprit corporel terrestre n’est qu’une petite partie du tout. En ne considérant pas nos ancêtres, nous choisissons de ne voir qu’un aperçu de qui nous sommes. » - Stacey Park Milbern

Stacey Park Milbern s’identifiait comme une femme de couleur, queer, handicapée et précurseure. Leader, mobilisatrice historique et fortement respectée dans le mouvement pour les droits des personnes handicapées et la justice, elle défendait également les droits de nombreuses autres communautés, et non seulement celles auxquelles elle appartenait. L’activisme de Stacey s’appuyait fortement sur ses expériences à l’intersection du genre, du handicap, de la sexualité et de la race. 

Stacey a cofondé avec quelques ami·e·s le club de culture sur la justice liée au handicap, un groupe de travail en soutien aux diverses communautés, notamment les plus vulnérables, aidant entre autres les personnes sans-abri à accéder aux ressources durant la pandémie de COVID-19.  

Elle a également coproduit une campagne impactante pour le documentaire « Crip Camp » de Netflix. Elle était membre du conseil d’administration de la WITH Foundation et a dirigé plusieurs organisations aux niveaux local, régional et national. Stacey écrivait joliment et vigoureusement : 

« Mes ancêtres sont des personnes déchirées de leurs amours par la guerre et les déplacements. C’est grâce à elleux que je connais le pouvoir de construire un foyer avec tout ce que l’on trouve, peu importe l’endroit et les personnes qui sont avec nous. Mes ancêtres sont des queers qui vivaient au Sud américain. Grâce à elleux, j’ai compris l’importance des relations, des lieux et d’une vie vécue en grand, même lorsque cela peut être dangereux. Tou·te·s mes ancêtres connaissent le désir. Ce désir est souvent notre espace de connexion... » - Stacey Park Milbern

Elle est née à Séoul, en Corée, a grandi en Caroline du Nord et continué son parcours dans la région de la baie de San Francisco. Stacey est décédée à la suite de complications chirurgicales le jour de son 33ème anniversaire, le 19 mai 2020. 


Lisez un essai écrit par Stacey Park Milbern (en anglais)
Écoutez un entretien avec Stacey Park Milbern (en anglais)
#StaceyTaughtUs : enregistrez votre histoire pour le projet Disability Visibility  

Hommages : 

« Beaucoup de gens le diraient : c’était une leader. Elle couvrait tous les aspects de ce rôle. Vous savez, parfois il y a des conduites de premier rang, de milieu ou de l’arrière. Et elle était d’une certaine façon capable de mener tous ces rangs. »  - Andraéa LaVant, activiste pour les droits des personnes handicapées

« Perdre Stacey au moment où nos communautés ont le plus besoin de son leadership est une réelle épreuve, surtout dans un contexte où sa force, sa vision et son cran étaient de plus en plus reconnus dans des milieux autres que ceux du handicap, lui offrant des leviers plus importants pour faire progresser le travail de toute une vie… Nous n’aurons pas la chance de savoir où son leadership charismatique nous aurait mené·e·s. Mais une chose est sûre : ce que Stacey nous a donné, en un temps relativement court, continuera de bénéficier à d’autres dans les prochaines années. »  - Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund (Fonds de défense et d’éducation sur les droits liés au handicap)