Barbara Bergmann
La memoria como resistencia: Un Tributo
El Tributo de AWID es una exhibición de arte que honra a feministas, a activistas por los derechos de las mujeres y de la justicia social de todo el mundo que ya no están con nosotrxs.
En 2020, hacemos un cambio
El Tributo de este año cuenta y comparte las historias y narraciones de quienes crearon conjuntamente realidades feministas, ofrecieron visiones de alternativas a los sistemas y actores que nos oprimen, y propusieron nuevas formas de organizarnos, de movilizarnos, de luchar, de trabajar, de vivir y de aprender.
Se agregan a la galería 49 retratos nuevos de feministas y defensorxs de derechos humanos. Aunque muchxs feministas y defensorxs han fallecido debido a edad avanzada o enfermedad, muchísimxs han sido asesinadxs debido a su trabajo y por ser quienes eran.
Esta violencia creciente (de parte de Estados, empresas transnacionales, crimen organizado, sicarios no identificados, etc.) no se dirige solo a activistas individuales sino a nuestro trabajo común y a las realidades feministas.
Al compartir las historias de lxs activistas en este Tributo, mantenemos vivo su legado y nos inspiran para el trabajo futuro de nuestros movimientos.
Visita nuestra exhibición en línea
Lors retratos de 2020 fueron diseñados por la ilustradora y animadora galardonada, Louisa Bertman.
En AWID nos gustaría agradecer a las familias y organizaciones que nos compartieron sus historias personales, y así haber contribuido a este memorial. Nos unimos a ellxs para continuar el extraordinario trabajo de estxs activistas y defensorxs, y en el esfuerzo para asegurarnos de que se logre justicia en los casos que permanecen en la impunidad
"Ellos trataron de enterrarnos pero no sabían que éramos semillas."‐ Proverbio Mexicano
Presentamos el Tributo por primera vez en 2012
Primero tomó forma como una exposición física de retratos y biografías de feministas y activistas que habían fallecido, en el 12º Foro Internacional de AWID, en Turquía. Ahora vive como una galería en línea, que actualizamos cada año.
Desde 2012 hemos presentado más de 467 feministas y defensorxs.
Contenido relacionado
Snippet FEA We are living in a world left (ES)
Vivimos en un mundo donde la destrucción de la naturaleza alimenta nuestra economía global actual.
FRMag - Roots of Love and Resilience
Kunyit asam: Las raíces del amor y la resiliencia
por Prinka Saraswati
El ciclo menstrual habitualmente abarca entre 27 y 30 días. En ese lapso, el período en sí dura de 5 a 7 días. La fatiga, los cambios de humor y los espasmos son el resultado de la inflamación durante la menstruación.
< arte: «Movimiento feminista», Karina Tungari
Snippet - CSW69 - OURs & friends - ES
OURs y amistades en el Espacio de Solidaridad Feminista
✉️ Solo con invitación
📅 Martes 11 de marzo de 2025
🕒 De 02:00 a 04:00 p.m., EST
🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor New York
Organiza: Consorcio Observatorio sobre la Universalidad de los Derechos (OURS)
Informe Anual 2013
Nuestro Informe Anual 2013 presenta lo más destacado del trabajo que realizamos el año pasado como aporte para avanzar los derechos de las mujeres y la igualdad de género en el mundo.
El año 2013 marcó el inicio de nuestro Plan Estratégico para el período 2013-2016 que fue elaborado en respuesta al contexto mundial actual.
A continuación les acercamos los puntos destacados de nuestro análisis del contexto mundial, la posición que asumimos como organización mundial feminista y de membresía ante este contexto, los resultados que nos proponemos y cómo organizamos nuestro trabajo para alcanzarlos.
Sylvia Robinson
"Life is...about living in joy - waking up with purpose, feeling our creative energy, answering your calling." - Sylvia Robinson
Sylvia Robinson, a tireless community organizer and leader, was the founder and Executive Director of The Emergence Community Arts Collective (ECAC) in Washington DC.
This hub and performance space combine education, civic engagement, arts, social and spiritual services, and sustainable environmental practices. Sylvia envisioned it as a home where “there was a balance and synergy with the activities that people needed in order to sustain life.”
She was also one of the founding members of the Georgia Avenue Community Development Taskforce, a neighborhood group that works on social justice and organizing in Northwest DC to make sure the community has a voice in redevelopment and gentrification in the area.
“We're asking for affordable housing. We're asking that the small businesses that have been here for a long time don't get wiped out by new retail. We're asking for green space and space for people to get together to socialize. We're asking for streetscape improvements—better roads and lighting in the corridor.” - Sylvia Robinson about the Taskforce
Prior to becoming an organizer and after receiving a degree in computer science, Sylvia worked in air traffic control systems for over a decade. She then moved into drug and alcohol counselling, becoming increasingly engaged in community work.
“It was my call to be involved in community.” - Sylvia Robinson
Born in Washington D.C. on 14 August 1961, Sylvia passed away on 18 September 2017 after a battle with cancer.
“Sylvia's spirit and legacy will continue to inspire this community for many years to come.” - ECAC
Key opposition discourses
Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.
Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.
Protection of the family
This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.
The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.
It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.
The Right to Life
The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission. Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.
The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.
Sexual rights
Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.
Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.
Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’
Reproductive Rights
Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.
Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.
Protection of children and parental rights
Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.
This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.
Violence against women
Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).
At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.
Gender and ‘gender ideology’
The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.
Complementarity and human dignity
Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.
Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.
It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.
National sovereignty and anti-imperialism
This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity.
Religious freedom
Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.
The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.
Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.
Cultural rights and traditional values
The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’
Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.
Subverting ‘universal’
Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.
Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.
Other Chapters
Snippet - Podcast Playlist Season 1 (FR)
Suzette Jordan
FRMag - Mainstreaming The Invisible
Intégrer les réalités féministes invisibles
par Dr. Pragati Singh
En 2019, j’étais invitée par le réseau BBC pour intervenir lors de la conférence intitulée 100 women (100 femmes) à Delhi, en Inde, à propos de « L’avenir de l’amour, des relations et des familles ». (...)
illustration : « Les anges aussi sortent la nuit », par Chloé Luu >
Snippet - CSW69 On anti-rights resistance - FR
Sur la résistance face aux mouvements anti-droits
- Communiqué de presse | CSW69: One Step Forward, Multiple Steps Back— The Resolve for Gender Equality Continues! Download here (en anglais)
- Nos droits en danger : il est temps d’agir - Rapport de l’OURs sur les tendances
- Bibliothèque de ressources sur les droits en danger
- Les discours sur l’« idéologie du genre » : une menace pour les droits humains
- Les féministes en première ligne pour défendre les droits humains et la démocratie : comment les bailleurs de fonds peuvent-ils avoir un impact ?
Changements sismiques : une année d'achèvement, de transition et de réflexion | rapport annuel 2017
Ces cinq dernières années, ont été particulièrement significatives pour l’AWID.
Nous avons contribué à d'importantes victoires, telles que l'élargissement du paysage du financement des droits des femmes grâce à des travaux de recherche et de plaidoyer novateurs de grande envergure. En même temps, nous avons connu des revers dévastateurs, notamment les assassinats de femmes défenseures des droits humains telles que Berta Caceres au Honduras, Gauri Lankesh en Inde et Marielle Franco au Brésil, ainsi que la montée de la mobilisation anti-droits dans les espaces voués aux droits humains.
Il y a cinq ans, nous nous sommes engagées à renforcer notre mouvement en produisant des savoirs sur les tendances des mouvements anti-droits, ainsi que sur des questions avec lesquelles les féministes s'engagent plus rarement, tels les flux financiers illicites. Nous avons mené des plaidoyers côte à côte avec nos partenaires du mouvement, renforçant ainsi l'activisme intergénérationnel et celui des jeunes féministes et élargissant la protection globale des défenseuses des droits humains. Arrivées au terme de notre plan stratégique, nous sommes fières de nos réalisations et de notre évolution en tant qu’organisation. Nous terminons l'année 2017 avec un engagement, des idées et un apprentissage renouvelés pour poursuivre la lutte à venir !
Maritza Quiroz Leiva
Maritza Quiroz Leiva fue una activista social afrocolombiana, líder comunitaria y defensora de los derechos humanos de las mujeres. Como una de las 7,7 millones de colombianxs desplazadxs internamente por 50 años de conflicto armado, Maritza dedicó su trabajo de incidencia a apoyar los derechos de otras personas, en particular dentro de la comunidad afrocolombiana, que sufrían similares desplazamientos y violaciones de derechos.
Maritza era líder adjunta del Comité de Víctimas de Santa Marta, y una voz importante para quienes buscaban justicia en su comunidad, exigiendo reparaciones por las torturas, los secuestros, los desplazamientos y la violencia sexual que experimentaban las víctimas durante el conflicto armado. También trabajó activamente en el movimiento nacional por la redistribución de la tierra y la justicia agraria.
El 5 de enero de 2019 Maritza fue asesinada por dos individuos armados que irrumpieron en su casa. Tenía 60 años.
Maritza se sumó así a lxs otrxs cinco activistas y líderes sociales colombianxs que fueron asesinadxs durante la primera semana de 2019. En Colombia, ese año fueron asesinadxs un total de 107 defensorxs de derechos humanos.
When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide
Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]
Seven pointers to consider
| Graphic1 | 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms. |
| 2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. | Graphic2 |
| Graphic3 | 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology. |
| 4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. | Graphic4 |
| Graphic5 | 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power. |
| 6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. | Graphic6 |
| Graphic7 | 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement. |
Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.
El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:
- [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
- [icon] Sistemas políticos
- [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.
Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.
Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible. Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.
Devenir membre
Devenir membre
En rejoignant l’AWID, vous intégrez l’organisation féministe mondiale, un pouvoir collectif qui se fonde sur la solidarité et puise ses racines dans le travail entre les mouvements.
Naseeb Miloud Karfana
FRMag - Dieula and the Black Dolls
Dieula and the Black Dolls
by Ana María Belique
The Naranjo Batey community is far from the city, but it’s full of hard-working people brimming with enthusiasm. A girl named Dieula lived there. (...)
< artwork: “Fury” by Diana Manilla Arroyo
Snippet - CSW69 - What’s a feminist like you - EN
What’s a feminist like you doing in a place like this?
A conversation on international advocacy and global governance
✉️ By registration only. Register here
📅 Friday, March 14, 2025
🕒 2.30pm EST
🏢 Blue Gallery, The Blue Building, 222 East 46th Street
🎙️Facilitated by: Anissa Daboussi, Manager, Advancing Universal Rights and Justice team
Organizer: SRI, AWID
2020 : Rapport Annuel
Faits saillants de la manière dont l'AWID a contribué à la co-création et à la résistance féministes: sauvetage féministe, contrer les anti-droits, ressources, série de conversations organisées et magazine des Réalités Féministes
Regardez notre vidéo sur le rapport annuel ci-dessous
Roxana Reyes Rivas
Roxana Reyes Rivas, était une philosophe, féministe, lesbienne, poétesse, politicienne et activiste pour les droits des personnes LGBT et des femmes du Costa Rica. Auteure à la plume acérée et à l’humour incisif, elle était irrésistiblement drôle. Née en 1960 et élevée à San Ramón dans la province d’Alajuela, qui était encore une localité rurale à l’époque, elle a toute sa vie refusé d’adhérer aux attentes envers « les femmes ».
Avec le groupe de lesbiennes costariciennes El Reguero, Roxana a organisé pendant plus de dix ans des festivals lesbiens, de joyeux espaces de formation où se rassembler à une époque où le gouvernement du Costa Rica et la société persécutaient et pénalisaient l’existence des lesbiennes. Ces festivals lesbiens étaient, pour des centaines de femmes, le seul endroit où elles pouvaient être elles-mêmes et se regrouper avec leurs semblables.
Roxana aimait répéter que la formation de partis politiques comptait parmi ses passe-temps. « Il est important que les gens comprennent qu’il y a d’autres manières de faire de la politique, et que de nombreuses questions doivent être résolues collectivement. » Elle fut également l’une des fondatrices des partis Nueva Liga Feminista et VAMOS, centrés sur les droits humains.
« La philosophie est faite pour bousculer, pour aider les gens à se poser des questions. Une philosophe qui n’irrite personne ne fait pas son travail. » Pendant 30 ans, Roxana a enseigné la philosophie dans plusieurs universités publiques du Costa Rica. Des générations d’étudiant·e·ss ont suivi ses directives et réfléchi aux dilemmes éthiques que posent la science et les technologies.
L’outil de prédilection de Roxana était l’humour. Elle a créé le prix de l’ignorance La Citrouille étincelante, qu’elle décernait à des personnalités publiques sur ses réseaux sociaux, tournant en dérision leurs expressions et déclarations anti-droits.
Roxana a été emportée par un cancer agressif fin 2019, avant qu’elle ne puisse publier son recueil de poèmes, qu’elle aurait voulu être le cadeau de départ de l’esprit créatif d’une féministe qui a toujours élevé sa voix contre l’injustice.