جديد

عبر الإنترنت وهجين

كمشارك/ة عبر الإنترنت، يمكنك توجيه النشاطات والتواصل والتحدث مع الآخرين/ الأخريات وتجربة الإبداع والفن والاحتفال بمنتدى جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية بشكل مباشر. سيستمتع المشاركون/ات المتصلون/ات عبر الإنترنت ببرنامج غني ومتنوع، بدءًا من ورشات العمل والنقاشات وحتى نشاطات الاستشفاء والعروض الموسيقية. ستركز بعض الأنشطة على التواصل بين المشاركين/ات عبر الإنترنت، وسيكون البعض الآخر هجينًا بالفعل، يركز على الاتصال والتفاعل بين المشاركين/ات عبر الإنترنت وأولئك الموجودين/ات في بانكوك.

Un indice visuel est toujours utile

« La sexualité est fluide, et là mon vagin aussi. »
#FeministFestival #SextLikeAFeminist

Os nossos objetivos da pesquisa WITM:

La creciente dominación de los mercados y las instituciones financieras internacionales en la definición de las políticas económicas globales ha tenido como resultado la captura del poder popular en aras del interés de las élites y las grandes corporaciones globales.

Este informe «Flujos financieros ilícitos» analiza su desproporcionado impacto de género y los marcos legales y políticos actuales que permiten a las corporaciones multinacionales beneficiarse del fraude fiscal en detrimento de las personas y el planeta.

El informe concluye con siete recomendaciones feministas de políticas para exigir transparencia y rendición de cuentas por parte del poder corporativo para frenar los flujos financieros ilícitos.

Recomendaciones de políticas para la incidencia

Los flujos financieros ilícitos están llamando la atención como nunca antes: ya sea en negociaciones para el desarrollo, como los que condujeron a la Agenda 2030 y a la Conferencia sobre Financiamiento para el
Desarrollo de Addis Abeba en 2015, u ocupando los titulares de los medios hegemónicos con la publicación de documentos filtrados sobre finanzas offshore conocidos como los «Panama Papers». En otro ejemplo, en un
referendum de febrero de 2017, el pueblo ecuatoriano votó para prohibir que políticxs y funcionarixs públicxs posean acciones, compañías o capital en paraísos fiscales. El Gobierno de Ecuador es ahora, dentro del grupo
G-77, una de las voces principales que reclaman en las Naciones Unidas la creación de un organismo tributario global para poner fin a los paraísos fiscales.

Esta atención pública potencialmente da impulso para que lxs feministas, los movimientos sociales y lxs defensores de la justicia tributaria presionen por la transformación del sistema financiero internacional, donde
se arraigan desigualdades globales, incluidas las desigualdades de género.

Ofrecemos aquí siete pedidos de políticas como contribución a los crecientes esfuerzos de incidencia de actores por la justicia social, feministas, por los derechos de las mujeres y por la igualdad de género.

1. Abordar los flujos financieros ilícitos como una violación de los derechos humanos y los derechos de las mujeres:

• Los FFI impiden el cumplimiento de la obligación de los Estados de movilizar los máximos recursos disponibles para la realización de los derechos humanos, incluidos los compromisos de larga data sobre los derechos de las mujeres y la igualdad de género.
• El aumento de la de la rendición de cuentas de las corporaciones es una posibilidad que está sobre la mesa del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas (ONU). Ya se ha establecido un grupo de trabajo abierto intergubernamental para elaborar un instrumento vinculante internacional que regule, según las normativas internacionales de derechos humanos, las actividades de las corporaciones transnacionales y otras empresas comerciales. Este proceso tiene el potencial de abordar la evasión fiscal corporativa como una violación de los derechos humanos, incluidos los derechos de las mujeres, y debería recibir más apoyo de los países del Norte y del Sur globales.

2. Garantizar que las corporaciones multinacionales paguen su parte:

• • Desarrollar mecanismos internacionales para detener las prácticas fiscales fraudulentas y evitar las exenciones fiscales a las corporaciones. Los Estados miembros de las Naciones Unidas deberían iniciar negociaciones para redactar el borrador de una convención de la ONU para combatir las prácticas fiscales fraudulentas. La convención debería adoptar un sistema de consolidación y prorrateo para gravar las ganancias corporativas globales.
• Revisar específicamente las regulaciones nacionales de los países ricos que requieren que las CMN paguen impuestos solo en el país de residencia y no en los países de actividad económica. Esta práctica daña sobre todo a los países en desarrollo, ya que cada vez pierden más base tributaria que se desplaza a jurisdicciones de baja o nula tributación. Al respecto deberían considerarse propuestas tales como el enfoque de tributación unitaria.

3. Apoyar el establecimiento de un organismo tributario internacional de las naciones Unidas:

• Un organismo tributario de las Naciones Unidas, con iguales derechos de voto y membresía universal, debería tener la facultad de revisar la política tributaria nacional, regional y global y de garantizar que los Estados cumplan con los compromisos de larga data sobre derechos humanos, incluidos los derechos de las mujeres y la igualdad de género.

4. Promover la transparencia y la recolección de datos con perspectiva de género:

• Deben realizarse mayores esfuerzos globales para pulir los datos comparables sobre fraude fiscal, por ejemplo, con datos desglosados por género que ponen al desnudo los prejuicios de género de ciertos sistemas tributarios.
• Los países deben garantizar un esquema para el intercambio automático de información que garantice el acceso público y global a datos clave que afectan los recursos disponibles para la realización de los derechos humanos.
• Implementar obligaciones informativas país por país para que las corporaciones multinacionales publiquen, como parte de sus informes anuales, las ganancias obtenidas y los impuestos pagados en cada país donde operan.
• Debe haber más cooperación de los gobiernos para compartir sus registros públicos nacionales que dan a conocer los verdaderos beneficiarios de compañías, fideicomisos, fundaciones y estructuras legales similares, además de otra información financiera.

5. Promover la justicia tributaria a través de políticas fiscales nacionales progresivas:

• Promover la justicia tributaria a través de políticas fiscales progresivas. Esto implica aumentar el peso de los impuestos directos sobre los ingresos de capital y los sectores sociales de alta rentabilidad y, al mismo tiempo, reducir y eliminar el peso tributario que recae en las mujeres y las personas pobres. Los segmentos precarizados de la sociedad, donde las mujeres están sobrerrepresentadas, no deberían terminar pagando más impuestos, en relación con sus ingresos, que los segmentos más adinerados, que a menudo se benefician de subsidios impositivos, moratorias y reducciones fiscales.
• Los gobiernos deben revisar desde una perspectiva crítica los dañinos acuerdos comerciales y de inversión que otorgan incentivos y exenciones fiscales, que perpetúan la desigualdad y los prejuicios de género.

6. Garantizar la participación de las organizaciones por los derechos de las mujeres, los movimientos sociales y la sociedad civil progresista en sentido amplio:

• Las decisiones sobre política económica y fiscal carecen a menudo de perspectiva de género. La interacción de los ministerios de género y de finanzas, y de estos con la sociedad civil y las defensoras de derechos humanos, es fundamental para entender mejor el impacto que tienen las decisiones sobre los ingresos públicos en los derechos de las mujeres y la igualdad de género.
• Debe establecerse un ambiente propicio que proteja a las defensoras de derechos humanos y otrxs activistas (incluidxs lxs denunciantes y activistas para la justicia tributaria) que expongan el fraude fiscal e informen sobre la corrupción.

7. Poner fin a la impunidad de las actividades delictivas asociadas con los flujos financieros ilícitos y garantizar la rendición de cuentas:

• Establecer un mecanismo coordinado global entre autoridades fiscales nacionales, mecanismos de derechos humanos e igualdad de género y unidades de inteligencia, para garantizar que las actividades delictivas asociadas con los FFI no continúen impunes.
• Fortalecer los sistemas de justicia nacionales y globales para lograr la rendición de cuentas de individuos y entidades por la financiación de actividades delictivas a través de los FFI.

Leer el informe completo

Communicating Desire

and Other Embodied Political Praxes

Communicating Desire

Host: We tend to think about communicating desire as something that is limited to the private intimacy of the bedroom and our personal relationships. But can we also think of this kind of communication as a structure, a praxis that informs our work, and how we are, how we do in the world?

Lindiwe
I believe that unfortunately in the past, expressing your sexuality has been limited. You were allowed to express it within the confines of your marriage, which was permitted, there have always been taboo and stigmas attached to expressing it any other way. When it comes to communicating, obviously the fact that certain stigmas are attached to expressing your sexuality or expressing your desire makes it a lot harder to communicate that in the bedroom or intimately with your partner. From my personal experience, I do believe that obviously if I feel more comfortable expressing myself outside of the bedroom on other matters or other topics, it’s easier for me to build that trust, because you understand conflict resolution with that particular person, you understand exactly how to make your communication special towards that particular person. It’s not easy. It’s something that is consistently done throughout whatever your engagement is, whether it’s your relationship or whether it’s casual and just in the moment. But I believe that confidence outside can definitely translate to how you communicate your desire.

Manal
Since childhood, a woman is raised with that, “you’re not allowed to talk about your body, you’re not allowed to talk about your desire,” which puts a heavy responsibility on women, especially girls in their teens when they need to express themselves and talk about these issues. So for me I think this is a big problem. You know, I have been married for more than 25 years, but still, until now, I cannot talk about my desires. I cannot say what I want or what I prefer, because it’s like I’m not allowed to go beyond this line. It’s like haram, despite it being my right. This is the case for all my friends, they just can’t express themselves in the right way.

Louise
Personally, I find that expressing our desires, my desires, however that expression comes in hand, has to do with the other, and the gaze that the other would have on me. So this is also something that we can link to cinema. And the gaze I would have on myself as well: what I think I am as an individual, but also what society expects of me and my sexuality. In the past, I somehow did the analogy between what happens in the bedroom and what happens in the workplace, because there is sometimes this dynamic of power, whether I want it or not. And oftentimes, verbal communication is harder than we think. But when it comes to representation in film, that’s a totally different game. We are very far away from what I guess all of us here would like to see on screen when it comes to just communicating sexual desires inside or outside the bedroom. 

Online and Embodied

Host: We can think about the digital world as embodied: while it might be virtual, it is not less real. And this was made clear in the context of AWID’s feminist realities festival, which took place entirely online. What does it mean then to talk about sexuality, collectively, politically, in online spaces? Do we navigate virtual spaces with our bodies and affects, and in this case, what are the different considerations? What does it do to communication and representation?

Lindiwe
Social media makes you feel community-based. When you express what it is that you want or like, there is someone who’s either going to agree or disagree, but those who do agree make you feel that you belong to a community. So it’s easier to throw it out into the universe, or for others to see, and potentially not get as much judgment. And I say this very loosely because sometimes, depending on what it is that you’re expressing, it either will get you vilified or celebrated. But when it comes to the bedroom, there is an intimacy and almost a vulnerability that is exposing you and different parts of you that is not as easy to give your opinion on. When it comes to expressing your desire, speaking it and saying it and maybe putting a Tweet or a social media post, or even liking and reading other communities that are same-minded is a lot easier than telling your partner, “this is how I want to be pleasured” or “this is how what I want you to do next,” because of the fear of rejection. But not only that, just the vulnerability aspect – allowing yourself to be bare enough to let the other person see into what you are thinking, feeling, and wanting – I think this is where the difference would come in for me personally. I feel it is a lot more community-based on social media, and it’s easier to engage in discourse. Whereas in the bedroom, you don’t want to necessarily kill the moment. But I think that also kind of helps you understand going forward, depending on the relationship with the person, how you would engage thereafter. So I always know that if I try to communicate something and I fail to do so in the moment, I can always try to bring it up outside of that moment and see what the reaction would be so I know how to approach it going forward.

Louise
You know the question in films is, I don’t know if the male gaze is done intentionally or not. Like we don’t really know that. What we know is that the reason why sexuality in general has been so heternormative and focused on penetration and not giving any space for women to actually ask for anything in films, is because most of the people who have been working in this industry and making decisions in terms of, you know, storytelling and editing have been white men. So rape revenge is this very weird film genre that was birthed in the 70s, and half of the story would be that a woman is being raped by one or multiple people, and in the other half, she would get her revenge. So usually she would murder and kill the people who have raped her, and sometimes other people next to them. At the beginning of the birth of this genre and for 30 years at least, those films were written, produced, and directed by men. This is why we also want so much representation. A lot of feminists and pioneers in queer filmmaking also used the act of filming in order to do that and to reclaim their own sexuality. I’m thinking about Barbara Hammer, who’s a feminist and queer pioneer in experimental cinema in the U.S. where she decided to shoot women having sex on 16mm, and by doing so reclaimed a space within the narrative that was exposed in film at that time. And there is also then the question of invisibilization: we know now, because of the internet and sharing knowledge, that women and queer filmmakers have been trying and making films since the beginning of cinema. We only realize it now that we have access to databases and the work of activists and curators and filmmakers.

Resisting Colonization

Host: And this opens up the conversation on the importance of keeping our feminist histories alive. The online worlds have also played a crucial role in documenting protests and resistance. From Sudan to Palestine to Colombia, feminists have taken our screens by storm, challenging the realities of occupation, capitalism, and oppression. So could we speak of communicating desire – the desire for something else – as decolonization?

Manal
Maybe because my village is just 600 residents and the whole village is one family – Tamimi – there are no barriers between men and women. We do everything together. So when we began our non-violent resistance or when we joined the non-violent resistance in Palestine, there was no discussion whether women should participate or not. We took a very important role within the movement here in the village. But when other villages and other places began to join our weekly protests, some men thought that if these women participate or join the protests, they will fight with soldiers so it will be like they’re easy women. There were some men who were not from the village who tried to sexually harass the women. But a strong woman who is able to stand in front of a soldier can also stand against sexual harassment. Sometimes, when other women from other places join our protest, they are shy at first; they don’t want to come closer because there are many men. If you want to join the protest, if you want to be part of the non-violent movement, you have to remove all these restrictions and all these thoughts from your mind. You have to focus on just fighting for your rights. Unfortunately, the Israeli occupation realizes this issue. For example, the first time I was arrested, I wear the hijab so they tried to take it off; they tried to take off my clothes, in front of everybody. There were like 300-400 people and they tried to do it. When they took me to the interrogation, the interrogator said: “we did this because we want to punish other women through you. We know your culture.” So I told him: “I don’t care, I did something that I believe in. Even if you take all my clothes off, everybody knows that Manal is resisting.”

Lindiwe
I think even from a cultural perspective, which is very ironic, if you look at culture in Africa, prior to getting colonized, showing skin wasn’t a problem. Wearing animal skin and/or hides to protect you, that wasn’t an issue and people weren’t as sexualized unless it was within context. But we conditioned ourselves to say, “you should be covered up” and the moment you are not covered up you are exposed, and therefore it will be sexualized. Nudity gets sexualized as opposed to you just being naked; they don’t want a little girl to be seen naked. What kind of society have we conditioned ourselves to be if you’re going to be sexualizing someone who is naked outside of the context of a sexual engagement? But environment definitely plays a big role because your parents and your grannies and your aunts say “no, don’t dress inappropriately,” or “no, that’s too short.” So you hear that at home first, and then the moment you get exposed outside, depending on the environment, whether it’s a Eurocentric or more westernized environment to what you are used to, then you are kind of free to do so. And even then, as much as you are free, there’s still a lot that comes with it in terms of catcalling and people still sexualizing your body. You could be wearing a short skirt, and someone feels they have the right to touch you without your permission. There is so much that is associated with regulating and controlling women’s bodies, and that narrative starts at home. And then you go out into your community and society and the narrative gets perpetuated, and you realize that you get sexualized by society at large too, especially as a person of color.

Resistance as Pleasure

Host: And finally, in what ways can our resistance be more than what we are allowed? Is there a place for pleasure and joy, for us and our communities?

Louise
Finding pleasure as resistance and resistance in pleasure, first for me there is this idea of the guerrilla filmmaking or the action of filming when you’re not supposed to or when someone told you not to, which is the case for a lot of women and queer filmmakers in the world right now. For example, in Lebanon, which is a cinema scene that I know very well, most of the lesbian stories that I’ve seen were shot by students in very short formats with “no production value” as the west would say – meaning with no money, because of the censorship that happens on an institutional level, but also within the family and within the private sphere. I would think that filming whatever, but also filming pleasure and pleasure within lesbian storytelling is an act of resistance in itself. A lot of times, just taking a camera and getting someone to edit and someone to act is extremely hard and requires a lot of political stance.

Lindiwe
I have a rape support group. I’m trying to assist women to reintegrate themselves from a sexual perspective: wanting to be intimate again, wanting to not let their past traumas influence so much how they move forward. It’s not an easy thing, but it’s individual. So I always start with understanding your body. I feel the more you understand and love and are proud of it, the more you are able to allow someone else into that space. I call it sensuality training, where I get them to start seeing themselves as not sexual objects, but as objects of pleasure and desire that can be interchangeable. So you’re worthy of receiving as well as giving. But that’s not only from a psychological point of view; it is physical. When you get out of the shower, you get out of the bath, and you’re putting lotion on your body, look at every part of your body, feel every part of your body, know when there are changes, know your body so well that should you get a new pimple on your knee, you are so aware of it because just a few hours ago it wasn’t there. So things like that where I kind of get people to love themselves from within, so they feel they are worthy of being loved in a safe space, is how I gear them towards claiming their sexuality and their desire.

Manal
You know we began to see women coming from Nablus, from Jerusalem, from Ramallah, even from occupied 48, who have to drive for 3-4 hours just to come to join the protests. After that we tried to go to other places, talk with women, tell them that they don’t have to be shy, that they should just believe in themselves and that there is nothing wrong in what we are doing. You can protect yourself, so where is the wrong in participating or in joining? Once I asked some women, “why are you joining?” And they said, “if the Tamimi women can do it, we can do it also.” To be honest I was very happy to hear this because we were like a model for other women. If I have to stand for my rights, it should be all my rights, not just one or two. We can’t divide rights.

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Continuez à explorer Incarnations transnationales

Cette édition du journal, en partenariat avec Kohl : a Journal for Body and Gender Research (Kohl : une revue pour la recherche sur le corps et le genre) explorera les solutions, propositions et réalités féministes afin de transformer notre monde actuel, nos corps et nos sexualités.

Explorer

本頁面為如何資助您參與第14屆AWID論壇提供一些想法和靈感。 

在您計劃將要在論壇上開展的活動時，請同時考慮如何為參加論壇提供資金支持。典型的費用支出包括：住宿、旅行、簽證、論壇註冊費等。

重要的是請注意，該論壇將有很多“開放空間”和學習、交流運動的機會，而正式會議的數量則少很多。（請參閱下面的“在籌款中如何描述我們的論壇”，以瞭解在您的宣傳中可使用的語言。）

與您目前的資助者合作：

首先聯繫您當前的資助者：最好的選擇始終是求助於當前的捐助者。

請確保提前準備：我們建議最晚在2020年初與這些資助方聯繫。許多支持女權組織的資助者為論壇旅行分配了一些預算。其他的資助方也可能將其囊括在續訂補助金中或包含在其他旅行基金裡。

如果貴組織有資助者，請告訴他們您想參加AWID論壇並學習、體驗、交流和建立網絡，即使您的活動還未被選中。為了能夠支持您的參與，您的捐助者需要提前了解此事，因此請立即告訴她們吧！（她們已經在決定將在2020年分配哪些資金）。

尋求新的資助者：

如果您目前沒有捐助者的支持或無法獲得論壇旅行的贈款，請考慮與新的捐助者聯繫。

•  您可以在AWID的門戶網站“誰能資助我組織女性的維權？” (In English) 中看到特定資助者的介紹。
• 考慮去接觸國家、區域或全球等層面的女權主義與女性基金會。(In English)
•  探索資助者網絡，例如Candid和歐洲基金會中心 (In English)，以獲取您所在地區的資助者列表和機會。

各個資助方的申請截止日期和要求不盡相同，並且撥款審查過程可能需要數月的時間。如果您正在考慮申請新的資金，請盡快開始申請。

有創意的靈感：

女權主義運動長期以來在資助我們自己的行動方面保持著創造力。以下是我們收集的一些想法，用於啟發不同的籌款方式：

•  動員您的社區來支持參與：通過社區晚宴、舞蹈晚會以及本地的表演、活動和遊覽等方式從會員中籌集少量資金。
• 通過使用 gofundme, indiegogo, plumfund, or kickstarter 等各種在線工具組織捐贈圈和眾包來動員網絡。
• 獲得本地的收入來源，包括來自個人捐助者和會費的收入。
• 考慮通過與其他社區和社會正義團體的戰略夥伴關係共同集資。

想瞭解更多靈感，請參閱AWID正在進行的關於自主資源的系列文章，其中包括有關籌集參會資金的具體想法。(in English)

機會補助金：

AWID正在努力使論壇成為一個真正的全球性聚會，保障來自不同運動、地區和年齡層的參會者都可以參與。鑑於此，AWID為參與者調集資源並提供有限數量的機會補助金，以幫助她們支付參加論壇的費用。

AWID的機會補助金將為部分論壇參與者和會議/活動的主持人提供支持。您可以在申請過程中指出是否要申請AWID機會補助金。我們無法保證您能否申請到，所以我們強烈建議您為自己參加會議和論壇尋求其他資助。

即使您已申請了AWID的機會補助金，我們仍鼓勵您繼續探索其他的選擇來資助您參加論壇。機會補助金的申請結果將在2020年6月結束之前得到確認。請記住，這些資源非常有限，我們無法為所有申請人提供支持。

在籌款中如何描述我們的論壇:

當您與資助方或您自己的網絡聯繫時，這裡的一些示例信息可能會有所幫助。您可以隨時以對您有用的任何方式進行調整！

AWID論壇是一個聯合創建的女權運動空間，可激發參與者自身的行動積極性，並在多種權利和正義運動中加強與他人的聯繫。參與者可以從希望、能量和激進的想像力中汲取靈感，加深共享的分析和學習，建立跨領域的運動團結，以製定更加綜合的議程並推進聯合戰略。

我們的組織正在尋求資金參加論壇，以便與來自世界各地的其他活動家和運動聯繫在一起，加強我們的戰略並分享工作成果。我們受到過往參與者的啟發，她們描述了這場全球女權主義聚會的力量：

“在四天的時間裡……各種聲音交織在一起，形成了關於性別平等狀況的全球視角。當我說“全球”一詞時，我是指同時翻譯成七種不同的語言……”

“它提醒著我們，我們並不孤單。論壇提供了必要的途徑幫助我們將集體力量轉化為運動。無論是何種意識形態、身份或邊界，我們的力量都體現在我們的願景和對彼此的支持中。”

重要的是請注意，該論壇將有很多“開放空間”和學習、交流運動的機會，而正式會議的數量則少很多。儘管很多與會者不會參加正式的會議，但仍有寶貴的空間來學習、制定戰略和體驗女權運動在行動中的集體力量。

預算的考慮：

在計算花費以及思考需要募集多少款項時，最重要的是要考慮可能出現的成本。以下是要考慮的關鍵項目支出的示例：

• 機票
• 論壇註冊費（請注意，即便AWID授予您機會補助金，您也要自己支付註冊費）
• 簽證費用
• 旅遊健康保險
• 往返機場的本地旅行（出租車或其他交通工具）
• 中途停留的費用，例如飛機需要長時間中途停留時的住宿費和伙食費
• 住宿（如果您旅行很遠，可以給自己一天的恢復時間，無論是在之前或之後）
• 設備（旅行期間需要的WiFi或國際通訊費用，AWID將在論壇期間提供WiFi）
• 論壇上分享或交換的任何材料（可視教具，報告，藝術品！）的材料費
• 雜費和/或包括食物與其他花銷的每日津貼（論壇期間，AWID將提供所有午餐和咖啡/茶歇，外加一頓晚餐）
• 附件，例如可能使您的旅行更加舒適、安全和有重要意義的任何其他支持

我們期待與您在論壇上見面！

論壇是一個協作過程

該論壇不僅僅是一個四天的會議。它更為女權主義現實實踐的運動增強之旅提供了另一個驛站，該旅程早已開始也將在論壇結束後繼續。

加入我們的旅程吧！

The Call for Activities lists a number of suggested formats and methodologies. Be creative and make sure to read the section “What you need to know”.

النمرة.