None On Record

Análisis Especiales

AWID es un organización feminista internacional de membresía, que brinda apoyo a los movimientos que trabajan para lograr la justicia de género y los derechos de las mujeres en todo el mundo.

Activismo Joven Feminista

Una organización creativa, frente a una creciente amenaza

El activismo joven feminista juega un papel fundamental en las organizaciones y los movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres a nivel mundial, ya que aborda los nuevos problemas a los que las feministas se enfrentan en la actualidad. Esta fuerza, creatividad y adaptabilidad son esenciales para la sostenibilidad de la organización feminista.

A la vez, enfrentan obstáculos específicos para ejercer su activismo, como acceso limitado al financiamiento y al apoyo, falta de oportunidades de capacitación, un incremento considerable de los ataques contra las jóvenes defensoras de los derechos humanos. Esto crea una falta de visibilidad que hace más complicada su inclusión y participación efectiva en los movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres.

Un enfoque multigeneracional

El programa de activismo joven feminista fue creado para garantizar que las voces de las jóvenes sean escuchadas y se vean reflejadas en el discurso feminista. Queremos garantizar que las jóvenes feministas tengan un mejor acceso al financiamiento, a las oportunidades de desarrollo de las capacidades y a los procesos internacionales.

Además de apoyar directamente a las jóvenes feministas, estamos trabajando con activistas por los derechos de las mujeres de todas las edades, con modelos y estrategias prácticas para procesos efectivos de organización intergeneracionales.

Nuestras acciones

Queremos que las activistas jóvenes feministas jueguen un papel en el proceso de toma de decisiones que afectan sus derechos a través de:

  • Fomento de la comunidad e intercambio de información a través de la Conexión Joven Feminista. Dada la importancia de los medios virtuales para el trabajo de las jóvenes feministas, nuestro equipo lanzó la Conexión Joven Feminista en mayo de 2010 para compartir información, construir capacidades a través de seminarios web y discusiones electrónicas y para alentar la construcción de la comunidad.

  • Investigación y generación de conocimientos sobre el activismo joven feminista, que aumenten la visibilidad y el impacto del activismo joven feminista en los movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres y otros actores clave, como los donantes.

  • Promoción de procesos más efectivos de organización intergeneracional, explorando mejores formas de trabajar en conjunto.

  • Apoyo a la participación de las jóvenes feministas en los procesos globales de desarrollo, por ejemplo en los procesos de Naciones Unidas.

  • Colaboración con todas las áreas prioritarias de AWID, incluyendo el Foro, para garantizar así que las contribuciones clave de las jóvenes feministas, así como sus perspectivas, necesidades y activismo se reflejen en los debates, políticas y programas que las afectan.

Contenido relacionado

Qual é a definição de financiamento externo?

Financiamento externo inclui subsídios e outras formas de financiamento de fundações filantrópicas, governos, financiadores bilaterais, multilaterais ou empresariais, e doadores individuais, tanto a nível nacional como internacional. Não inclui recursos gerados autonomamente por grupos, organizações e/ou movimentos, como, por exemplo, quotas de membres, contribuições voluntárias de colaboradores, membres e/ou apoiantes, angariações de fundos comunitários, aluguer de espaços ou venda de serviços. Para facilitar a consulta, estão incluídas no inquérito definições dos diferentes tipos de financiamento e descrições resumidas de diferentes doadores.

Teresia Teaiwa

Retratada en The Guardian como uno de los íconos nacionales de Kiribati, Teresia fue una valiente activista.

Trabajó estrechamente con los grupos feministas en Fiji y que puso sus investigaciones al servicio de las cuestiones feministas y de género en el Pacífico. Además, fue coeditora de la publicación International Feminist Journal of Politics. Su influencia se extendió desde la frontera académica hasta los movimientos por la justicia social en la región de Oceanía.


 

Teresia Teaiwa, Fiji

Key impacts on the international human rights system

Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.

When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.


We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.

Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)

The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.

At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’

Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.

Human Rights Council (HRC)

As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.

In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.

To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.

The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.

Human Rights Committee

In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.

Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.

When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.

Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.

However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.

On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”

The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”

Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”

General Assembly (GA)

Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA).  Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.

One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.

Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.

While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.


[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues.  Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.

[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.

 


Other Chapters

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The Feminist Film Club

As part of AWID’s Feminist Realities journey, we invite you to explore our newly launched Feminist Film Club: a collection of short and feature films selected by feminist curators and storytellers from around the world, including Jess X. Snow (Asia/Pacific), Gabrielle Tesfaye (Africa/African Diaspora), and Esra Ozban (South West Asia, North Africa). Alejandra Laprea is curating the Latin & Central American program, which we’ll launch in September during AWID’s Crear, Résister, Transform: A Festival for Feminist Movements. In the meantime, look out for announcements on special films screenings and conversations with filmmakers!

Reason to join 2

Encuentra y crea conexiones. AWID cuenta con más de 9000 afiliadxs, todxs dedicadxs a abordar cuestiones complementarias e interconectadas. En esta diversidad se apoya la sostenibilidad de los movimientos y actorxs feministas.

لغتي ليست واحدة من لغات الاستطلاع الرسمية ولدي صعوبة بتعبئته. ماذا يمكن أن أفعل؟

تلتزم جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية بالعدالة اللغوية ونأسف على عدم توفر الاستطلاع بلغات أخرى في الوقت الحالي. إن كنتم/ن بحاجة لدعم من مترجم/ة أو أردتم/ن تعبئة الاستطلاع بأي لغة أخرى، الرجاء الكتابة لنا عبر البريد الالكتروني: witm@awid.org

Stella Mukasa

Stella a commencé sa carrière au ministère du Genre et du Développement communautaire en Ouganda. Elle œuvrait auprès des décideurs-euses politiques, pour encourager des réformes législatives, dont celle de la Constitution ougandaise en 1995 qui a entériné certaines des réformes les plus progressives pour les femmes dans la région.

Elle était adorée dans la région tout entière pour ses incessants efforts pour la création et l’application de lois et politiques sensibles au genre. Elle a joué un rôle clé dans l’ébauche de la loi sur les violences domestiques en Ouganda. Elle a aussi contribué à une mobilisation importante en faveur de Constitutions sensibles au genre à la fois en Ouganda et au Rwanda.

Par son travail au Centre international de recherches sur les femmes (International Center for Research on Women, ICRW), elle a abordé les thématiques de la violence à l’égard des enfants. Stella s’est attachée à renforcer les organisations locales qui luttent contre les violences basées sur le genre. Conférencière en Droits genrés et loi à l’université Makerere, elle a également siégé aux conseils d’administration d’Akina Mama wa Afrika, ActionAid International Uganda et l’Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa.


 

Stella Mukasa, Uganda

Sala de prensa

AWID en los medios

Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID


 

 


Notas de prensa

Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits


 

Kits de social media

Contacto para medios

Email de contacto

+1 416 594 3773

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Solidarity: membership why page

Solidarité

nous prenons position en solidarité les un·e·s avec les autres ainsi qu’avec différentes luttes en défense de la justice et des libertés. Nous nous efforçons de mobiliser et renforcer l’action collective et de pratiquer des méthodes significatives de collaboration.

Сколько времени занимает заполнение опроса?

Ориентировочное время для завершения опроса составляет 30 минут.

Selena “Rocky” Malone

Rocky showed inspirational leadership and direction in working with Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex, Queer, Brotherboy and Sistergirl (LGBTIQBBSG) youth at risk.

Rocky started her career with the Queensland Police Service as a Police Liaison Officer. Making a difference was important to her. She led an impressive career working with young LGBTIQBBSG people as the Manager of Open Doors Youth Service.

Rocky worked through complex situations with clients relating specifically to gender and sexual identity. She was a natural in this line of work - a strong community leader, a quiet achiever, a loyal friend, a compassionate nurturer, and a change maker. Rocky was a founding member of IndigiLez Leadership and Support Group.

In 2016 at the Supreme Court in Brisbane, Former High Court Justice Michael Kirby mentioned Rocky by name when praising the work of the LGBTI Legal Service over the years. Rocky fought extremely hard for the human rights of the LGBTIQBBSG community, pushed boundaries and created change in a respectful, loving way.  


 

Rocky Malone, Australia

Here are your report and infographics: Toward a feminist funding ecosystem

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