L´AWID est une organisation féministe mondiale qui consacre ses efforts à la justice de genre, au développement durable et aux droits humains des femmes
S'opposer à l’extractivisme et au pouvoir des entreprises
Dans le monde entier, les femmes défenseuses des droits humains défendent leurs terres, leurs moyens de subsistance et leurs communautés contre le pouvoir des entreprises et des industries extractives. Elles se mobilisent et défient de puissants intérêts économiques et politiques qui motivent la spoliation de terres, le déplacement de communautés, la perte des moyens de subsistance et la dégradation de l'environnement.
Pourquoi résister à des industries extractives?
L’extractivisme est un modèle économique et politique de développement qui œuvre à la marchandisation de la nature et privilégie le profit au détriment des droits humains et de l'environnement. Enraciné dans l'histoire coloniale, il creuse les inégalités sociales et économiques au niveau local et mondial. Le plus souvent, les femmes rurales, noires ou autochtones sont les plus touchées par l’extractivisme et sont largement exclues des espaces de prise de décision en la matière. Les femmes se mobilisent pour défier ces forces patriarcales et néocoloniales et défendre les droits, les terres, les personnes et la nature.
Les principaux risques et les violences basées sur le genre
Les femmes qui s’opposent aux industries extractives vivent une série de risques, de menaces et de violations de leurs droits comme la criminalisation, la stigmatisation, la violence et l'intimidation. Leurs histoires révèlent des aspects évidents de violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre. Parmi les auteurs de ces abus se trouvent les autorités locales et fédérales, les entreprises, la police, les militaires, les forces de sécurité paramilitaires et privées, et parfois mêmes leurs propres communautés.
Agir ensemble
L'AWID et la Coalition internationale des femmes défenseures des droits humains (WHRDIC) ont le plaisir d'annoncer la sortie de leur publication « Les défenseuses des droits humains résistent à l’extractivisme et aux pouvoir des entreprises », un rapport basé sur un projet de recherche transrégional qui relate les expériences vécues par des défenseuses en provenance d'Asie, d'Afrique et d'Amérique latine.
Nous encourageons les activistes, les membres de mouvements sociaux, la société civile, les donateurs et les décideurs à lire et à faire usage des documents suivants pour leur travail de plaidoyer, comme outil pédagogique et comme source d’inspiration :
Dites-nous comment vous utilisez la boîte à outils sur les défenseur-e-s des droits humains qui résistent à l'extractivisme et aux pouvoir des entreprises.
◾️ Comment ces ressources peuvent-elles soutenir votre activisme et votre plaidoyer ?
◾️ De quelles informations ou connaissances supplémentaires avez-vous besoin pour utiliser au mieux ces ressources ?
C’est avec gratitude que l’AWID reconnaît les contributions précieuses de chaque défenseur-e des droits humains qui a participé à ce projet. Cette recherche a été rendue possible grâce à votre volonté à partager vos expériences. Votre courage, créativité et résilience est une source d’inspiration pour nous toutes et tous. Merci !
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What Our Members Say - En
What Our Members Say
L’économie solidaire
Définition
L'économie solidaire (qui inclut l'économie coopérative et l’économie du don) est un cadre alternatif qui adopte différentes formes dans divers contextes et qui est ouvert au changement continuel.
Ce cadre est fondé sur les principes suivants :
la solidarité, l’entraide et la coopération
l'équité dans toutes les dimensions
le bien-être social
la durabilité
la démocratie sociale et économique
le pluralisme
Dans une économie solidaire, les producteurs mettent en place des processus économiques qui sont intimement liés à leurs réalités, à la préservation de l'environnement et à la coopération mutuelle.
Le contexte
Selon la géographe féministe Yvonne Underhill-Sem, l'économie du don est un système économique dans lequel les biens et les services circulent entre les personnes sans accord explicite de leur valeur, ou sans impliquer de réciprocité ultérieure.
Derrière le don il y a la relation humaine, la bienveillance et l'attention portée à la nurturance* de toute la société, non seulement limitée à soi-même et aux proches. Il s’agit ici de la notion du collectif.
Par exemple, dans la région du Pacifique, cette approche comprend la collecte, la préparation et le tissage de ressources terrestres et marines pour fabriquer des tapis, des ventilateurs, des guirlandes et des objets de cérémonie. Elle comprend également l'élevage du bétail et le stockage des récoltes saisonnières.
Perspective féministe
Pour les femmes, les incitations à s’engager dans des activités économiques sont diverses et multiples, allant de la réalisation d’aspirations de carrière afin de gagner de l'argent pour une vie confortable à long terme, à gagner de l'argent pour joindre les deux bouts, à rembourser une dette ou encore à échapper aux corvées de la vie courante.
Pour s’adapter aux divers environnements au sein desquels les femmes travaillent, le concept d'économie solidaire est en développement permanent et est continuellement discuté et débattu.
Juhi est passionnée de technologie, titulaire d'une licence en génie informatique de l'Université Technologique du Gujarat et d'une formation de troisième cycle en télécommunications sans fil et en gestion de projet du Humber College. Passionnée par la résolution de problèmes et aimant garder une longueur d'avance dans un paysage technologique en constante évolution, Juhi s'est retrouvée à naviguer dans divers secteurs en tant que technicienne informatique. Grâce à l'environnement stimulant de la School Board, Juhi a eu l'occasion d'appliquer ses compétences techniques dans divers contextes, relevant toujours de nouveaux défis avec enthousiasme. Au-delà du code et des circuits, Juhi aime les aventures de la vie. Explorer de nouveaux lieux et cultures constitue pour elle une bouffée d’air frais. Qu'il s'agisse de découvrir des trésors cachés de la ville, d'essayer des cuisines exotiques ou de se lancer dans des sports d'aventure palpitants, Juhi est toujours partante pour de nouvelles expériences.
Paulina Cruz Ruiz, from the Rabinal, Baja Verapaz region of Guatemala, was an ancestral Maya Achí (Indigenous) authority and a human rights defender.
She was actively involved in community organizing and resistance, including legal measures against mining projects on Indigenous territory, projects that would severely affect and damage the socio-environmental fabric.
“The extractive industry model promoted by the Guatemalan government and the construction of large-scale development projects on indigenous lands without community consent has been a source of ongoing disputes with resistance movements.” - Minority Rights Group International
Paulina was also part of the March for Dignity, Life and Justice, in which on 1 May 2019 thousands of Guatemalans started a march of eight days against corruption and impunity in the prosecution and assassinations of human rights, peasant and Indigenous leaders and land defenders.
Paulina was murdered on 14 September 2019 near her home in the village of Xococ.
According to the Minority Rights Group International, “one of the major ongoing issues affecting Mayan communities is the increasing activity of the mining industry.”
An economic system in which production and consumption patterns are based on profit using privately owned capital goods and wage labour. The system builds on individual wealth and capital accumulation at the lowest cost to the investor, with little regard for the societal costs and exploitation of the workforce - both paid and unpaid.
Commodification of land:
The conversion of land and activities related to it (like agriculture) into commodities that can be bought or sold for profit.
International Financial Institutions (IFIs):
Institutions (like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, or regional development banks) that provide loans to countries lacking sufficient money to cover funding shortfalls or to finance development projects. Historically, the lending policies of these institutions have been determined by economically powerful Western countries and private enterprises. Loans to low-income countries in particular typically include conditionalities that prompt economic reforms in these countries to support neo-liberalism.
Neoliberalism:
A set of economic and political theories in which market forces, rather than governments, determine key aspects of the economy with governments acting to support globalized markets and the interests of capital. Neo-liberal economic policies typically include promotion of free trade, privatisation, reduced government spending on social programs, subsidies and tax exemptions for business, deregulation of financial sector and foreign investments, low taxes on the wealthy and corporations, flexible labour and weak environmental protection.
Patriarchy:
Refers to systemic and institutionalized male domination embedded in and perpetuated by cultural, political, economic and social structures and ideologies. Hetero-patriarchy in addition, is a patriarchal system that is also based on the belief that heterosexuality is the only normal and acceptable sexual orientation.
#2 - Sexting like a feminist Tweets Snippet FR
Un indice visuel est toujours utile
« La sexualité est fluide, et là mon vagin aussi. »
#FeministFestival #SextLikeAFeminist
Patience is a global human resources professional with over a decade of experience in human resources (HR) management in the not-for-profit sector. Patience previously worked at Mercy Corps as the Global HR Officer for Africa supporting the full employee life cycle for expatriates in the Eastern and Southern African region and provided HR technical guidance to Human Resources leaders in country offices within the African region. Before joining the global people team, she was the Country Human Resources and Safeguarding Focal Point, she was part of the senior management team leading on all human resources and safeguarding matters. Prior to Mercy Corps she led the HR and Operations department at SNV Netherlands Development Organization and was a member of the country management team. She also has HR Consultancy experience which she gained while she was still studying for her BSc Honors degree in Human Resource Management. She has a passion for HR, loves working with people and she takes wellbeing and safeguarding as her core values and in her professional work. As someone who loves sports, you can also find Patience at the basketball court, the tennis court or on the soccer field.
📅 Miércoles 12 de marzo de 2025
🕒 De 12:00 a 01:30 pm, EST
🏢 PNUD, 304 E 45th St. Doha Room, 11th Floor (FF Building)
Organizan: PNUD, Femena, SRI y AWID
Key opposition actors
We are witnessing an unprecedented level of engagement of anti-rights actors in international human rights spaces. To bolster their impact and amplify their voices, anti-rights actors increasingly engage in tactical alliance building across sectors, regional and national borders, and faiths.
This “unholy alliance” of traditionalist actors from Catholic, Evangelical, Mormon, Russian Orthodox and Muslim faith backgrounds have found common cause in a number of shared talking points and advocacy efforts attempting to push back against feminist and sexual rights gains at the international level.
Holy See
Key activities: As the government of the Roman Catholic Church, the “Holy See” uses its unique status as Permanent Observer state at the UN to lobby for conservative, patriarchal, and heteronormative notions of womanhood, gender identities and “the family”, and to propagate policies that are anti-abortion and -contraception
Based in: Vatican City, Rome, Italy.
Religious affiliations: Catholic
Connections to other anti-rights actors: US Christian Right groups; interfaith orthodox alliances; Catholic CSOs
Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)
Key activities: Self-described as the “collective voice of the Muslim world”, the OIC acts as a bloc of states in UN spaces. The OIC attempts to create loopholes in human rights protection through references to religion, culture, or national sovereignty; propagates the concept of the “traditional family”; and contributes to a parallel but restrictive human rights regime (e.g. the 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam).
Based in: Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
Religious affiliations: Muslim
Connections to other anti-rights actors: Ultra conservative State missions to the UN, such as Russia
World Congress of Families
Key activities: International and regional conferences; research and knowledge-production and dissemination; lobbying at the United Nations “to defend life, faith and family”
Based in: Rockford, Illinois, U.S.
Religious affiliation: Predominantly Catholic and Christian Evangelical
Connections to other anti-rights actors: Sutherland Institute, a conservative think-tank; the Church of Latter-Day Saints; the Russian Orthodox Church’s Department of Family and Life; the anti-abortion Catholic Priests for Life; the Foundation for African Culture and Heritage; the Polish Federation of Pro-Life Movements; the European Federation of Catholic Family Associations; the UN NGO Committee on the Family; and the Political Network for Values; the Georgian Demographic Society; parliamentarians from Poland and Moldova, etc; FamilyPolicy; the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies; and HatzeOir; C-Fam; among others
Center for Family and Human Rights (C-Fam)
Key activities: Lobbying at the United Nations, particularly the Commission of the Status of Women to “defend life and family”; media and information-dissemination (Friday Fax newsletter); movement building; trainings for conservative activists
Based in: New York and Washington D.C., U.S.
Religious affiliations: Catholic
Connections to other anti-rights actors: International Youth Coalition; World Youth Alliance; Human Life International; the Holy See; coordinates the Civil Society for the Family; the Family Research Council (U.S.) and other Christian/Catholic anti-rights CSOs; United States CSW delegation
Family Watch International
Key activities: Lobbying in international human rights spaces for “the family” and anti-LGBTQ and anti-CSE policies; training of civil society and state delegates (for example, ‘The Resource Guide to UN Consensus Language on Family Issues’); information dissemination; knowledge production and analysis; online campaigns
Based in: Gilbert, Arizona, U.S.
Religious affiliations: Mormon
Connections to other anti-rights actors: leader of the UN Family Rights Caucus; C-Fam; Jews Offering New Alternatives to Homosexuality (JONAH); the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH); World Congress of Families; CitizenGo; Magdalen Institute; Asociación La Familia Importa; Group of Friends of the Family (25 state bloc)
World Youth Alliance
Key activities: Advocacy in international policy spaces including the United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States for “the family”, against sexual and reproductive rights; training youth members in the use of diplomacy and negotiation, international relations, grassroots activities and message development; internship program to encourage youth participation in its work; regular Emerging Leaders Conference; knowledge production and dissemination
Based in: New York City (U.S.) with regional chapter offices in Nairobi (Kenya), Quezon City (The Philippines), Brussels (Belgium), Mexico City (Mexico), and Beirut (Lebanon)
Religious affiliations: primarily Catholic but aims for interfaith membership
Connections to other anti-rights actors: C-Fam; Human Life International; the Holy See; Campaign Life coalition
Russian Orthodox Church
Key Activities: The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), capitalizing on its close links to the Russian state, has operated as a “norm entrepreneur” in human rights debates. Russia and the ROC have co-opted rights language to push for a focus on “morality” and “traditional values” as supposed key sources of human rights. Russia led a series of “traditional values” resolutions at the Human Rights Council and has been at the forefront of putting forward hostile amendments to progressive resolutions in areas including maternal mortality, protection of civil society space, and the right to peaceful protest.
Connections to other anti-rights actors: Organization of Islamic Cooperation; Eastern European and Caucasus Orthodox churches, e.g. Georgian Orthodox Church; U.S. Christian Right including U.S. Evangelicals; World Congress of Families; Group of Friends of the Family (state bloc)
Host: We tend to think about communicating desire as something that is limited to the private intimacy of the bedroom and our personal relationships. But can we also think of this kind of communication as a structure, a praxis that informs our work, and how we are, how we do in the world?
Lindiwe
I believe that unfortunately in the past, expressing your sexuality has been limited. You were allowed to express it within the confines of your marriage, which was permitted, there have always been taboo and stigmas attached to expressing it any other way. When it comes to communicating, obviously the fact that certain stigmas are attached to expressing your sexuality or expressing your desire makes it a lot harder to communicate that in the bedroom or intimately with your partner. From my personal experience, I do believe that obviously if I feel more comfortable expressing myself outside of the bedroom on other matters or other topics, it’s easier for me to build that trust, because you understand conflict resolution with that particular person, you understand exactly how to make your communication special towards that particular person. It’s not easy. It’s something that is consistently done throughout whatever your engagement is, whether it’s your relationship or whether it’s casual and just in the moment. But I believe that confidence outside can definitely translate to how you communicate your desire.
Manal
Since childhood, a woman is raised with that, “you’re not allowed to talk about your body, you’re not allowed to talk about your desire,” which puts a heavy responsibility on women, especially girls in their teens when they need to express themselves and talk about these issues. So for me I think this is a big problem. You know, I have been married for more than 25 years, but still, until now, I cannot talk about my desires. I cannot say what I want or what I prefer, because it’s like I’m not allowed to go beyond this line. It’s like haram, despite it being my right. This is the case for all my friends, they just can’t express themselves in the right way.
Louise
Personally, I find that expressing our desires, my desires, however that expression comes in hand, has to do with the other, and the gaze that the other would have on me. So this is also something that we can link to cinema. And the gaze I would have on myself as well: what I think I am as an individual, but also what society expects of me and my sexuality. In the past, I somehow did the analogy between what happens in the bedroom and what happens in the workplace, because there is sometimes this dynamic of power, whether I want it or not. And oftentimes, verbal communication is harder than we think. But when it comes to representation in film, that’s a totally different game. We are very far away from what I guess all of us here would like to see on screen when it comes to just communicating sexual desires inside or outside the bedroom.
Online and Embodied
Host: We can think about the digital world as embodied: while it might be virtual, it is not less real. And this was made clear in the context of AWID’s feminist realities festival, which took place entirely online. What does it mean then to talk about sexuality, collectively, politically, in online spaces? Do we navigate virtual spaces with our bodies and affects, and in this case, what are the different considerations? What does it do to communication and representation?
Lindiwe
Social media makes you feel community-based. When you express what it is that you want or like, there is someone who’s either going to agree or disagree, but those who do agree make you feel that you belong to a community. So it’s easier to throw it out into the universe, or for others to see, and potentially not get as much judgment. And I say this very loosely because sometimes, depending on what it is that you’re expressing, it either will get you vilified or celebrated. But when it comes to the bedroom, there is an intimacy and almost a vulnerability that is exposing you and different parts of you that is not as easy to give your opinion on. When it comes to expressing your desire, speaking it and saying it and maybe putting a Tweet or a social media post, or even liking and reading other communities that are same-minded is a lot easier than telling your partner, “this is how I want to be pleasured” or “this is how what I want you to do next,” because of the fear of rejection. But not only that, just the vulnerability aspect – allowing yourself to be bare enough to let the other person see into what you are thinking, feeling, and wanting – I think this is where the difference would come in for me personally. I feel it is a lot more community-based on social media, and it’s easier to engage in discourse. Whereas in the bedroom, you don’t want to necessarily kill the moment. But I think that also kind of helps you understand going forward, depending on the relationship with the person, how you would engage thereafter. So I always know that if I try to communicate something and I fail to do so in the moment, I can always try to bring it up outside of that moment and see what the reaction would be so I know how to approach it going forward.
Louise
You know the question in films is, I don’t know if the male gaze is done intentionally or not. Like we don’t really know that. What we know is that the reason why sexuality in general has been so heternormative and focused on penetration and not giving any space for women to actually ask for anything in films, is because most of the people who have been working in this industry and making decisions in terms of, you know, storytelling and editing have been white men. So rape revenge is this very weird film genre that was birthed in the 70s, and half of the story would be that a woman is being raped by one or multiple people, and in the other half, she would get her revenge. So usually she would murder and kill the people who have raped her, and sometimes other people next to them. At the beginning of the birth of this genre and for 30 years at least, those films were written, produced, and directed by men. This is why we also want so much representation. A lot of feminists and pioneers in queer filmmaking also used the act of filming in order to do that and to reclaim their own sexuality. I’m thinking about Barbara Hammer, who’s a feminist and queer pioneer in experimental cinema in the U.S. where she decided to shoot women having sex on 16mm, and by doing so reclaimed a space within the narrative that was exposed in film at that time. And there is also then the question of invisibilization: we know now, because of the internet and sharing knowledge, that women and queer filmmakers have been trying and making films since the beginning of cinema. We only realize it now that we have access to databases and the work of activists and curators and filmmakers.
Resisting Colonization
Host: And this opens up the conversation on the importance of keeping our feminist histories alive. The online worlds have also played a crucial role in documenting protests and resistance. From Sudan to Palestine to Colombia, feminists have taken our screens by storm, challenging the realities of occupation, capitalism, and oppression. So could we speak of communicating desire – the desire for something else – as decolonization?
Manal
Maybe because my village is just 600 residents and the whole village is one family – Tamimi – there are no barriers between men and women. We do everything together. So when we began our non-violent resistance or when we joined the non-violent resistance in Palestine, there was no discussion whether women should participate or not. We took a very important role within the movement here in the village. But when other villages and other places began to join our weekly protests, some men thought that if these women participate or join the protests, they will fight with soldiers so it will be like they’re easy women. There were some men who were not from the village who tried to sexually harass the women. But a strong woman who is able to stand in front of a soldier can also stand against sexual harassment. Sometimes, when other women from other places join our protest, they are shy at first; they don’t want to come closer because there are many men. If you want to join the protest, if you want to be part of the non-violent movement, you have to remove all these restrictions and all these thoughts from your mind. You have to focus on just fighting for your rights. Unfortunately, the Israeli occupation realizes this issue. For example, the first time I was arrested, I wear the hijab so they tried to take it off; they tried to take off my clothes, in front of everybody. There were like 300-400 people and they tried to do it. When they took me to the interrogation, the interrogator said: “we did this because we want to punish other women through you. We know your culture.” So I told him: “I don’t care, I did something that I believe in. Even if you take all my clothes off, everybody knows that Manal is resisting.”
Lindiwe
I think even from a cultural perspective, which is very ironic, if you look at culture in Africa, prior to getting colonized, showing skin wasn’t a problem. Wearing animal skin and/or hides to protect you, that wasn’t an issue and people weren’t as sexualized unless it was within context. But we conditioned ourselves to say, “you should be covered up” and the moment you are not covered up you are exposed, and therefore it will be sexualized. Nudity gets sexualized as opposed to you just being naked; they don’t want a little girl to be seen naked. What kind of society have we conditioned ourselves to be if you’re going to be sexualizing someone who is naked outside of the context of a sexual engagement? But environment definitely plays a big role because your parents and your grannies and your aunts say “no, don’t dress inappropriately,” or “no, that’s too short.” So you hear that at home first, and then the moment you get exposed outside, depending on the environment, whether it’s a Eurocentric or more westernized environment to what you are used to, then you are kind of free to do so. And even then, as much as you are free, there’s still a lot that comes with it in terms of catcalling and people still sexualizing your body. You could be wearing a short skirt, and someone feels they have the right to touch you without your permission. There is so much that is associated with regulating and controlling women’s bodies, and that narrative starts at home. And then you go out into your community and society and the narrative gets perpetuated, and you realize that you get sexualized by society at large too, especially as a person of color.
Resistance as Pleasure
Host: And finally, in what ways can our resistance be more than what we are allowed? Is there a place for pleasure and joy, for us and our communities?
Louise
Finding pleasure as resistance and resistance in pleasure, first for me there is this idea of the guerrilla filmmaking or the action of filming when you’re not supposed to or when someone told you not to, which is the case for a lot of women and queer filmmakers in the world right now. For example, in Lebanon, which is a cinema scene that I know very well, most of the lesbian stories that I’ve seen were shot by students in very short formats with “no production value” as the west would say – meaning with no money, because of the censorship that happens on an institutional level, but also within the family and within the private sphere. I would think that filming whatever, but also filming pleasure and pleasure within lesbian storytelling is an act of resistance in itself. A lot of times, just taking a camera and getting someone to edit and someone to act is extremely hard and requires a lot of political stance.
Lindiwe
I have a rape support group. I’m trying to assist women to reintegrate themselves from a sexual perspective: wanting to be intimate again, wanting to not let their past traumas influence so much how they move forward. It’s not an easy thing, but it’s individual. So I always start with understanding your body. I feel the more you understand and love and are proud of it, the more you are able to allow someone else into that space. I call it sensuality training, where I get them to start seeing themselves as not sexual objects, but as objects of pleasure and desire that can be interchangeable. So you’re worthy of receiving as well as giving. But that’s not only from a psychological point of view; it is physical. When you get out of the shower, you get out of the bath, and you’re putting lotion on your body, look at every part of your body, feel every part of your body, know when there are changes, know your body so well that should you get a new pimple on your knee, you are so aware of it because just a few hours ago it wasn’t there. So things like that where I kind of get people to love themselves from within, so they feel they are worthy of being loved in a safe space, is how I gear them towards claiming their sexuality and their desire.
Manal
You know we began to see women coming from Nablus, from Jerusalem, from Ramallah, even from occupied 48, who have to drive for 3-4 hours just to come to join the protests. After that we tried to go to other places, talk with women, tell them that they don’t have to be shy, that they should just believe in themselves and that there is nothing wrong in what we are doing. You can protect yourself, so where is the wrong in participating or in joining? Once I asked some women, “why are you joining?” And they said, “if the Tamimi women can do it, we can do it also.” To be honest I was very happy to hear this because we were like a model for other women. If I have to stand for my rights, it should be all my rights, not just one or two. We can’t divide rights.
Durante sus 38 años de carrera, Debbie Stothard ha trabajado con diferentes comunidades y activistas para involucrar en los derechos humanos y la justicia a los Estados, organizaciones intergubernamentales y otras partes interesadas a lo largo de Asia, África, Europa y las Américas. Su trabajo está enfocado en las prioridades temáticas de las empresas y en los derechos humanos, en la prevención de las atrocidades y en el liderazgo de las mujeres. Por ello, ha sido facilitadora o persona de referencia en casi 300 eventos de capacitación durante los últimos 15 años. La mayoría fueron talleres orientados a las bases, desarrollados en el terreno, centrados en la incidencia en derechos humanos, alfabetización económica, en empresas y derechos humanos, y en justicia transicional y prevención de las atrocidades. Su trabajo en justicia transicional y prevención de las atrocidades ha estado enfocado principalmente en Burma/Myanmar, aunque también ha proveído asesoramiento para responder a situaciones de otros países alrededor del mundo.
Entre 1981 y 1996, Debbie trabajó como periodista especializada en crímenes, activista estudiantil, analista política, académica, consejera de gobierno y proveedora de comida en Malasia y Australia, mientras era voluntaria en causas de derechos humanos. En 1996, fundó ALTSEAN-Burma, que encabezó una variedad de programas de innovación y empoderamiento en derechos humanos. Entre ellos, el programa intensivo permanente de liderazgo de ALTSEAN para diferentes mujeres jóvenes de Burma, que, durante los últimos 22 años, ha ayudado a fortalecer y ampliar el liderazgo de las mujeres en las zonas afectadas por el conflicto. Se desempeñó como integrante de la Junta de la Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos (FIDH) durante 9 años como secretaria general adjunta (2010-2013) y secretaria general (2013-2019), durante los cuales promovió la misión y el perfil de la FIDH en, aproximadamente, 100 reuniones y conferencias por año.
