AWID es un organización feminista internacional de membresía, que brinda apoyo a los movimientos que trabajan para lograr la justicia de género y los derechos de las mujeres en todo el mundo.
En septiembre de 2016, 1800 feministas y activistas por los derechos de las mujeres de todos los rincones de nuestros movimientos se congregaron en las costas de Bahia, en el 13º Foro Internacional de AWID.
En esta sección se destacan los logros, los aprendizajes y los recursos que surgieron de las ricas conversaciones mantenidas. Te invitamos a analizar, compartir y comentar.
¿Qué ha pasado desde 2016?
Uno de los aportes más importantes del Foro fue la necesidad de ampliar y profundizar nuestro trabajo entre movimientos, frente a la confluencia de los fascismos en auge, fundamentalismos, codicia corporativa y cambio climático.
Con esto en mente, AWID, en asociación con múltiples aliadxs, ha estado trabajando para que estas semillas de resistencia:
AWID se ha comprometido, mediante su próximo plan estratégico y su proceso del Foro, a continuar y profundizar las relaciones, las lecciones y los procesos iniciados en el Foro 2016 y basándonos en el momento actual.
¿Que pasa ahora?
El mundo es un lugar muy diferente de lo que era un año atrás, y seguirá cambiando en los próximos años.
El próximo Foro de AWID se realizará en la región del Pacífico Asiático (el lugar y la fecha exactos serán anunciados en 2018). Esperamos que te unas a nosotrxs.
Sobre el Foro de AWID
Los Foros de AWID comenzaron en 1983 en Washington DC. Desde entonces, el evento ha crecido hasta convertirse en muchas cosas para muchas personas: un proceso iterativo para darle forma a nuestros análisis, objetivos y acciones; un hito crucial que fortalece los feminismos de lxs participantes e infunde energías a sus procesos de organización; un hogar político donde lxs defensoras de derechos humanos encuentran un santuario y solidaridad.
L’analyse des réponses nous permettra de tirer des conclusions et de définir des tendances. Les résultats seront présentés à l’occasion du 15e Forum international de l’AWID à Bangkok, et en ligne, en décembre 2024. Inscrivez-vous ici pour participer au Forum!
Agroecology and Food Sovereignty
Context
The search for alternative means of food production based on environmental sustainability is gaining ground across regions. This worldwide search comes with a common characteristic: the need to involve rural people and particularly women, building on their local priorities and knowledge by employing the principle of agroecology.
Definition
Agroecology is a way of practicing agriculture or using technologies that do not harm the environment. It proposes breaking with the hegemonic rural development model based on large landed estates and single-crop plantations that benefit mostly agricultural businesses and entrenches social exclusion.
In family farming, agroecology manifests as a resistance to the current development model and its social, cultural, environmental, and economic problems. It opposes the lack of the farmer’s financial capital autonomy; and it symbolizes a resistance to the current agribusiness model.
Feminist perspective
Efforts based solely on agroecology may not be sufficient to solve all problems of women’s marginalization and invisibility. A feminist perspective is then crucial to analyze the norms associated with the idea of family as currently constituted as the perfect institution, as well as with the condition of women’s subordination.
In simpler terms, it is important to include in this debate a reflection on socially constructed gender roles to advance the emancipatory potential of agroecology.
El término travesti se trata de una identidad de género latinoamericana sin equivalente en otros idiomas, y exclusivamente femenina. Es una persona designada varón al nacer que se identifica como mujer, y siempre deben abordarse con el pronombre “ella”.
Travesti no es solo una identidad de género ubicada fuera del binarismo de género, también es una identidad cultural arraigada en los movimientos latinoamericanos. El término inicialmente fue peyorativo, pero luego fue re-apropiado como símbolo de resistencia y dignidad. Toda travesti es trans porque no se identifica con el género asignado al nacer, sin embargo no toda travesti se considera mujer trans, ya que travesti ya es una identidad de género en sí misma.
Referencia: Berkins, Lohana. (2006). Travestis: una Identidad Política . Trabajo presentado en el Panel Sexualidades contemporáneas en las VIII Jornadas Nacionales de Historia de las Mujeres/ III Congreso Iberoamericano de Estudios de Género Diferencia Desigualdad. Construirnos en la diversidad, Villa Giardino, Córdoba, 25 al 28 de octubre de 2006.
Dilma Ferreira Silva fue una destacada activista por los derechos de las comunidades del Amazonas y luchó durante décadas por los derechos de las personas afectadas por las represas.
Ella misma fue una de las 32.000 personas desplazadas por el Tucuruí, una mega central hidroeléctrica, construida en Brasil durante la dictadura militar de 1964-1985.
En 2005 Dilma fue invitada a unirse al Movimiento de los Pueblos Afectados por las Represas en Brasil (MAB), y en 2006 formó el colectivo de mujeres, y eventualmente se convirtió en coordinadora regional del movimiento.
Al hablar de su activismo, sus colegas comentaban:
"Se destacó muy rápido porque siempre fue muy intrépida en la lucha".
Dilma vivió en el asentamiento rural de Salvador Allende, a 50 kilómetros de Tucuruí, y dedicó toda su vida a proteger a las comunidades y las tierras afectadas por la construcción de mega proyectos. Dilma se preocupaba especialmente por el impacto de género que esos proyectos podrían causar, y defendía los derechos de las mujeres.
En una reunión nacional del MAB en 2011, Dilma, dirigiéndose a las mujeres afectadas por las represas, dijo:
"Somos las verdaderas Marías, guerreras, luchadoras que están allí, enfrentando el desafío de la lucha diaria".
En los años siguientes, Dilma organizó grupos de base del MAB y trabajó con la comunidad para formar cooperativas agrícolas que condujeron a una mejor redistribución de los alimentos entre la comunidad. Conjuntamente, mejoraron la comercialización de la pesca y desarrollaron un proyecto de cisternas para el agua potable. También fue defensora de la comunidad de agricultores cuyas tierras eran codiciadas por los "grileiros" (acaparadores de tierras).
El 22 de marzo de 2019, a la edad de 48 años, Dilma, su marido y su amigo fueron brutalmente asesinados. Los tres asesinatos fueron parte de una ola de violencia en la Amazonia contra el Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (traducido como 'Movimiento de los Trabajadores Sin Tierra') y lxs activistas medioambientales e indígenas.
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Snippet - WITM why - AR
لماذا عليّ تعبئة الاستطلاع؟
AWID Members Engaging at CSW61
Member states and women's rights advocates and organisations are gathering at the United Nations Headquarters in New York from 13 - 24 March for the 61st Commission on the Status of Women to address ‘women’s economic empowerment’ in the context of Sustainable Development Goal 5.
Whilst AWID is looking forward to physically meeting those of you who will be in New York, we want to engage with all those who cannot attend CSW, and as much as possible, amplify your voices in relevant spaces.
Continue reading to find out how to engage with AWID around CSW, whether you are attending physically or not.
Participate in an artistic takeover!
We are thrilled that AWID member Nayani Thiyagarajah is attending CSW this year and will take over the AWID Instagram. She will be available onsite to connect with other members for a possible feature on our Instagram. She will also explore possibilities of including some AWID members in a short film on the theme, ‘The personal is political’, a story of Nayani’s participation in this year’s CSW.
Nayani Thiyagarajah
Who is Nayani?
Nayani Thiyagarajah is a director, producer, and writer, dedicated to stories for the screen. A daughter of the Tamil diaspora, she calls Toronto home. For over 10 years, Nayani has worked in the arts and cultural industries. Her first independent feature documentary Shadeism: Digging Deeper (2015) had its World Premiere at the 2015 Zanzibar International Film Festival, where it won a Special Jury Prize. Nayani recently launched [RE]FRAME, with her producing partner Camaro West, a production company based out of Atlanta and Toronto, focused on re-framing the narratives around Black, Indigenous, and other people of colour through storytelling on screen.
On a more serious note, it should be noted that Nayani has a strange laugh, she's quite awkward, and her head is always in the clouds. She feels blessed beyond belief to create stories for the screen and play make believe for a living. Above all else, she believes in love.
Interested in meeting Nayani and being considered for inclusion in the film?
Send an email to membership@awid.org with the subject line “CSW Artistic Takeover”
By 13 March 2017
Please include your full name and country information.
Can't attend? Voice it!
If you are not able to attend CSW61 because of a travel ban, either due to the one imposed by the Trump administration or one you are facing from your own government, please share your story with us.
Send us messages you want heard in the United Nations spaces concerning funding, the impact of the reinstatement of the Global Gag Rule, and the need to push back against all types of religious fundamentalisms. You can send these in the following formats:
Video: no longer than two minutes and sent through a file sharing folder (for example dropbox, google drive)
Audio: no longer than two minutes and sent through a file sharing folder (for example dropbox, google drive)
Image: you can share a photo or a poster of your message
Text: no longer than 200 words and sent in the body of an email or in a word document
AWID members tell us that connecting with other members at CSW is valuable. In such a huge advocacy space, it is useful to connect with others including activists working on similar issues, or originating from the same country or region. Recognising the importance of connecting for movement building, we invite you to:
Interested in connecting with other members @CSW61?
If you are attending the CSW, we’d love to see what’s going on through your eyes!
Show us by capturing a moment you find speaks to the energy in the CSW space, be it on or off site. We hope to publish some of your ‘images’ on our social media channels and share on awid.org.
You can send us:
colour and/ or black and white photographs with a title (if you wish) and
a caption (no longer than 100 words) about the story your image tells.
Please also include:
your full name and country of origin and
let us know if we can publish the information you shared (in part or in full).
During the whole CSW or shortly after until Tuesday 28 March 2017.
Snippet FEA Lohana Berkins (FR)
L'une des dirigeantes fondatrices de la coopérative était Lohana Berkins, une militante, défenseuse et promotrice de l'identité trans. Lohana a joué un rôle crucial dans la lutte pour les droits des personnes trans et travestis.
Grâce à sa lutte, entre autres choses, l'approbation de la loi sur l'identité de genre a été obtenue. C'est l'une des lois les plus progressistes au monde, garantissant les droits fondamentaux des personnes trans et des travestis. Désormais, les personnes peuvent changer de nom et de sexe avec un affidavit et ont accès à des soins de santé complets sans intervention/approbation judiciaire ou médicale (Outright International, 2012).
« Mais quand le maître
s’est-il laissé éloigner du pouvoir?
Quand un système a-t-il jamais été brisé
par l’acceptation?
Quand le CHEF te remettra-t-il le pouvoir avec amour?
À Jobourg, à Cancun, à l’ONU? », Molara Ogundipe.
Dans un entretien à la Foire internationale du livre du Ghana en 2010, Molara Ogundipe s’est présentée avec ces mots : « ... Je suis une Nigériane. J’ai vécu absolument partout, sauf en Union soviétique et en Chine ».
À travers les continents et les pays, la professeure Ogundipe a enseigné la littérature comparée, l’écriture, le genre et les études anglaises, se servant de la littérature comme outil de transformation sociale, de même que pour revisiter les relations de genre.
Penseuse, écrivaine, rédactrice, critique sociale, poète et activiste féministe, Molara Ogundipe est parvenue à allier le travail théorique et l’action créative et la créativité. Elle est considérée comme l’une des principales voix critiques du(des) féminisme(s) africain(s), des études de genre et de la théorie littéraire.
Molara est connue pour avoir créé le concept de « stiwanisme », à partir de l’acronyme STIWA, pour Social Transformations in Africa Including Women (transformations sociales en Afrique incluant les femmes), reconnaissant la nécessité de « s’éloigner de la définition du ou des féminismes en lien avec l’Euro-Amérique ou avec toute autre région, et de la déclamation de loyautés ou déloyautés ».
Avec son ouvrage fondateur « Re-creating Ourselves » de 1994 (publié sous le nom de Molara Ogundipe-Leslie), Molara Ogundipe a laissé derrière elle un immense éventail de connaissances qui ont décolonisé le discours féministe et « recentré les femmes africaines sur leurs récits entiers et complexes... menées par une exploration de la libération économique, politique et sociale des femmes africaines et la restauration de la capacité d’agir féminine dans plusieurs cultures en Afrique ».
À propos des difficultés rencontrées en tant que jeune universitaire :
« Lorsque j’ai commencé à parler et à écrire sur le féminisme à la fin des années soixante et soixante-dix, on me considérait comme une bonne et admirable fille qui s’était égarée, une femme dont l’esprit avait été gâté par trop d’apprentissages ».
Molara Ogundipe s’est démarquée grâce à son leadership alliant activisme et université. En 1977, elle comptait parmi les fondatrices de l’AAWORD (Association of African Women for Research and Development). En 1982, elle fonde WIN (Women in Nigeria) pour défendre des « droits économiques, sociaux et politiques » entiers pour les Nigérianes. Elle crée et dirige ensuite la Foundation for International Education and Monitoring, et passe plusieurs années à oeuvrer au comité de rédaction de The Guardian.
Ayant grandi avec les Yoruba, leurs traditions, leur culture et leur langue, elle a un jour déclaré :
« Je pense que célébrer la vie, célébrer les personnes qui décèdent après une vie bien remplie est l’un des plus beaux aspects de la culture yoruba ».
Le nom de fête « oiki » de Molara en yoruba était Ayike. Née le 27 décembre 1940, Molara est décédée à l’âge de 78 ans, le 18 juin 2019 à Ijebu Igbo, dans l’État d’Ogun au Nigeria.
Snippet - WITM To Strengthen - AR
لتقوية صوتنا وقوتنا الجماعية لنصل لتمويل أكبر وأفضل للتنظيمات النسائية والنسوية وحركات الميم - عين وحلفائها/يفاتها عالمياً
Background
Why this resource?
While active participants on the front lines of protests and uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), women became invisible, absent from processes of formation of the new states, and excluded from decision-making roles, responsibilities, and positions in the aftermath of the uprisings. Except in rare cases, men dominated leadership positions in transitional structures, including the constitutional reform and electoral committees[i]. Subsequent elections brought very few women to parliamentary and ministerial positions.
Additionally, a strong and immediate backlash against women and women’s rights has clearly emerged in the aftermath. The rise of new religious fundamentalist groups with renewed patriarchal agendas aiming to obliterate previous gains of the women’s movements even in countries with longer histories of women’s rights, such as Tunisia, has been very alarming.
The varying contexts of governance and transition processes across the MENA countries presents an important opportunity for women human rights defenders to shape the future of these democracies. However, the lack of prioritization of women’s rights issues in the emerging transitions and the aforementioned backlash have posed a variety of complex challenges for the women’s movements. Faced with these enormous challenges and possibilities, women’s rights activists have been struggling to forge ahead a democratic future inclusive and only possible with women’s rights and equality. The particular historical and contextual legacies that impact women’s movements in each country continue to bear on the current capacities, strategies, and overall preparedness of the women’s movements to take on such a challenge. Burdened with daily human rights violations in one context, with lack of resources and tools in another, with organizational tensions in a third, in addition to the constant attacks on them as activists, women human rights defenders have voiced their desire to be more equipped with knowledge and tools to be effective and proactive in engaging with these fast-changing environments. Conceptual clarity and greater understanding of notions and practices of democratization, transitional justice tools and mechanisms, political governance and participation processes, international and local mechanisms, movement building strategies, constitutional reform possibilities, and secularization of public space and government are important steps to defining future strategic action.
It is clear that feminists and women’s rights activists cannot wait for women’s rights to be addressed after transitions – issues must be addressed as the new power configurations are forming. Experiences of earlier moments of transition, namely from colonial rule, have clearly demonstrated that women’s rights have to be inherently part of the transition movement towards a more just and equal society.
What is included?
This publication represents a research mapping of key resources, publications and materials on transitions to democracy and women’s rights in different countries of the world that have undergone such processes, such as: Indonesia, Chile, South Africa, Nepal, Mexico, Argentina, Poland, Ukraine, as well as within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It provides bibliographic information and short summaries of resources which succinctly identify the contextual changes and challenges facing women in those particular transitional moments, as well as clearly delineates the ways in which women’s rights activists sought to confront those challenges and what lessons were learned.
A key criterion in the selection process was the primacy of a women’s rights/feminist perspective; the few exceptions to this rule offer a unique and, we hope, useful, perspective on the issues that women’s rights organizations and activists face in the region. The texts have been selected to provide a wide range of information, relevant to women human rights defenders working from the grassroots to the international level, across issues (including different case studies and examples), from different perspectives (international human rights bodies, academic institutions, NGO contributions, activists’ experiences, etc.), and at a wide range of levels of complexity, in order to respond to the needs of as many readers as possible.
The mapping clusters resources under six major categories:
Transitions to Democracy
Political Participation
Movement Building
Transitional Justice
Constitutional/Legal Reform
Responses to Fundamentalisms
[i]This and other context points are drawn from the report from Pre AWID Forum meeting on Women’s Rights in Transitions to Democracy: Achieving Rights, Resisting Backlash, collaboratively organized by AWID, the Equality Without Reservation Coalition, Global Fund for Women and Women’s Learning Partnership
Snippet FEA Bauen Hotel (EN)
Only a year after it was founded, the members of Nadia Echazú started to work in haute couture and organized a fashion show in the historic Bauen Hotel.
They showcased five models and some workers of the textile cooperative walked down the runway with their own designs.
This was revolutionary not only because they were designing alternatives to mainstream fashion, but also because they were creating accessible, inclusive clothes for all trans and travesti bodies.
Feminist economies should also be about feeling amazing and comfortable in the clothes we are wearing.
Mereani Naisua Senibici, also called ‘Sua’, was a longstanding member of the Fiji Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) movement.
She worked with diverse groups of women in multi-racial, rural and urban settings and was committed to supporting and promoting women’s and young women’s rights.
In the Lautoka YWCA, she worked with women of Indian descent, and was a leading figure in the sports development and participation of women and of trans athletes in Lautoka.
“Sua is greatly loved by Fiji YWCA members for her dedication and long-time support towards all that the organisation endeavoured to do.” - Tupou Vere
Mereani was part of the House of Sarah (HoS), an initiative of the Association of Anglican Women (AAW), launched in 2009 and aimed at raising awareness of the issues around gender-based violence, as well as providing support to women who face violence. She started as a dedicated volunteer and offered support to women throughout the Pacific.
“A people’s person and an all-rounder in women's empowerment and movement work at community level. Rest in Peace, Sua.” - Tupou Vere
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Snippet - WITM about research - PT
Sobre o inquérito WITM
O inquérito global do WITM é um pilar fundamental da terceira edição da nossa investigação orientada para a ação: "Onde está o dinheiro para a organização feminista" (abreviado, "Onde está o dinheiro" ou WITM). Os resultados do inquérito serão aprofundados e explorados através de conversas profundas com ativistas e financiadores, e comparados com outras análises e investigações existentes sobre o estado do financiamento para feministas e para a igualdade de género globalmente
O relatório completo "Onde está o dinheiro para a organização feminista" será publicado em 2026.
Para mais informações sobre como a AWID tem chamado a atenção para o dinheiro a favor de e contra os movimentos feministas, consulte a nossa história do WITM e os nossos relatórios anteriores aqui.
Twitter Test
@shalinikonanur sharing a comment by her colleague debbie @salco "we can talk about shattering the glass ceiling, but we have to talk about who are sweeping those broken glasses?" challenging the #G7 to truly see who's vulnerable domestically & globally #W7Canada@kramdas@AWIDpic.twitter.com/1rs0SpLYHp
Para mais informações sobre como a AWID tem chamado a atenção para o dinheiro a favor de e contra os movimentos feministas, consulte a nossa história do WITM e os nossos relatórios anteriores aqui.