Fany Puyesky
Women Human Rights Defenders
WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
- Physical assault and death
- Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
- Judicial harassment and criminalization
- Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
- to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
- to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
- emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
- documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
- promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
- building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
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Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
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Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
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Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
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Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Related Content
Snippet FEA different lines of work S4 (FR)
Lignes de travail :
CONTRE
Snippet - WITM RESOURCES - AR
المصادر
(متوفرة باللغة الإنجليزية)
Feminist propositions: Glossary of terms
Capitalism:
An economic system in which production and consumption patterns are based on profit using privately owned capital goods and wage labour. The system builds on individual wealth and capital accumulation at the lowest cost to the investor, with little regard for the societal costs and exploitation of the workforce - both paid and unpaid.
Commodification of land:
The conversion of land and activities related to it (like agriculture) into commodities that can be bought or sold for profit.
International Financial Institutions (IFIs):
Institutions (like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, or regional development banks) that provide loans to countries lacking sufficient money to cover funding shortfalls or to finance development projects. Historically, the lending policies of these institutions have been determined by economically powerful Western countries and private enterprises. Loans to low-income countries in particular typically include conditionalities that prompt economic reforms in these countries to support neo-liberalism.
Neoliberalism:
A set of economic and political theories in which market forces, rather than governments, determine key aspects of the economy with governments acting to support globalized markets and the interests of capital. Neo-liberal economic policies typically include promotion of free trade, privatisation, reduced government spending on social programs, subsidies and tax exemptions for business, deregulation of financial sector and foreign investments, low taxes on the wealthy and corporations, flexible labour and weak environmental protection.
Patriarchy:
Refers to systemic and institutionalized male domination embedded in and perpetuated by cultural, political, economic and social structures and ideologies. Hetero-patriarchy in addition, is a patriarchal system that is also based on the belief that heterosexuality is the only normal and acceptable sexual orientation.
Body
Marceline Loridan-Ivens
Born in 1928, Marceline worked as an actress, a screenwriter, and a director.
She directed The Birch-Tree Meadow in 2003, starring Anouk Aimee, as well as several other documentaries. She was also a holocaust survivor. She was just fifteen when she and her father were both arrested and sent to Nazi concentration camps. The three kilometres between her father in Auschwitz and herself in Birkenau were an insurmountable distance, which she writes about in one of her seminal novels “But You Did Not Come Back.”
In talking about her work, she once said: "All I can say is that everything I can write, everything I can unveil — it's my task to do it.”
Snippet FEA Wage Parity (EN)
WAGE PARITY
Magdalena Reyes Salazar
Reason to join 2
Find and create connections. There are over 9,000 AWID members, all working to address complementary, interconnected issues. This diversity supports the sustainability of feminist movements and actors.
على من يجب تعبئة الاستطلاع؟
المجموعات، المنظمات والحركات التي تعمل خصوصاً وبالأساس على حقوق النساء، حقوق الفتيات، العدالة الجندرية، حقوق مجتمعات الميم - عين وحلفائها/يفاتها في جميع المناطق وعلى جميع المستويات، إن كانت مجموعات جديدة أو قديمة.
Key opposition actors
We are witnessing an unprecedented level of engagement of anti-rights actors in international human rights spaces. To bolster their impact and amplify their voices, anti-rights actors increasingly engage in tactical alliance building across sectors, regional and national borders, and faiths.
This “unholy alliance” of traditionalist actors from Catholic, Evangelical, Mormon, Russian Orthodox and Muslim faith backgrounds have found common cause in a number of shared talking points and advocacy efforts attempting to push back against feminist and sexual rights gains at the international level.
Holy See
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Key activities: As the government of the Roman Catholic Church, the “Holy See” uses its unique status as Permanent Observer state at the UN to lobby for conservative, patriarchal, and heteronormative notions of womanhood, gender identities and “the family”, and to propagate policies that are anti-abortion and -contraception
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Based in: Vatican City, Rome, Italy.
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Religious affiliations: Catholic
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Connections to other anti-rights actors: US Christian Right groups; interfaith orthodox alliances; Catholic CSOs
Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)
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Key activities: Self-described as the “collective voice of the Muslim world”, the OIC acts as a bloc of states in UN spaces. The OIC attempts to create loopholes in human rights protection through references to religion, culture, or national sovereignty; propagates the concept of the “traditional family”; and contributes to a parallel but restrictive human rights regime (e.g. the 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam).
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Based in: Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
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Religious affiliations: Muslim
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Connections to other anti-rights actors: Ultra conservative State missions to the UN, such as Russia
World Congress of Families
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Key activities: International and regional conferences; research and knowledge-production and dissemination; lobbying at the United Nations “to defend life, faith and family”
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Based in: Rockford, Illinois, U.S.
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Religious affiliation: Predominantly Catholic and Christian Evangelical
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Connections to other anti-rights actors: Sutherland Institute, a conservative think-tank; the Church of Latter-Day Saints; the Russian Orthodox Church’s Department of Family and Life; the anti-abortion Catholic Priests for Life; the Foundation for African Culture and Heritage; the Polish Federation of Pro-Life Movements; the European Federation of Catholic Family Associations; the UN NGO Committee on the Family; and the Political Network for Values; the Georgian Demographic Society; parliamentarians from Poland and Moldova, etc; FamilyPolicy; the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies; and HatzeOir; C-Fam; among others
Center for Family and Human Rights (C-Fam)
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Key activities: Lobbying at the United Nations, particularly the Commission of the Status of Women to “defend life and family”; media and information-dissemination (Friday Fax newsletter); movement building; trainings for conservative activists
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Based in: New York and Washington D.C., U.S.
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Religious affiliations: Catholic
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Connections to other anti-rights actors: International Youth Coalition; World Youth Alliance; Human Life International; the Holy See; coordinates the Civil Society for the Family; the Family Research Council (U.S.) and other Christian/Catholic anti-rights CSOs; United States CSW delegation
Family Watch International
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Key activities: Lobbying in international human rights spaces for “the family” and anti-LGBTQ and anti-CSE policies; training of civil society and state delegates (for example, ‘The Resource Guide to UN Consensus Language on Family Issues’); information dissemination; knowledge production and analysis; online campaigns
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Based in: Gilbert, Arizona, U.S.
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Religious affiliations: Mormon
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Connections to other anti-rights actors: leader of the UN Family Rights Caucus; C-Fam; Jews Offering New Alternatives to Homosexuality (JONAH); the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH); World Congress of Families; CitizenGo; Magdalen Institute; Asociación La Familia Importa; Group of Friends of the Family (25 state bloc)
World Youth Alliance
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Key activities: Advocacy in international policy spaces including the United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States for “the family”, against sexual and reproductive rights; training youth members in the use of diplomacy and negotiation, international relations, grassroots activities and message development; internship program to encourage youth participation in its work; regular Emerging Leaders Conference; knowledge production and dissemination
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Based in: New York City (U.S.) with regional chapter offices in Nairobi (Kenya), Quezon City (The Philippines), Brussels (Belgium), Mexico City (Mexico), and Beirut (Lebanon)
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Religious affiliations: primarily Catholic but aims for interfaith membership
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Connections to other anti-rights actors: C-Fam; Human Life International; the Holy See; Campaign Life coalition
Russian Orthodox Church
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Key Activities: The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), capitalizing on its close links to the Russian state, has operated as a “norm entrepreneur” in human rights debates. Russia and the ROC have co-opted rights language to push for a focus on “morality” and “traditional values” as supposed key sources of human rights. Russia led a series of “traditional values” resolutions at the Human Rights Council and has been at the forefront of putting forward hostile amendments to progressive resolutions in areas including maternal mortality, protection of civil society space, and the right to peaceful protest.
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Connections to other anti-rights actors: Organization of Islamic Cooperation; Eastern European and Caucasus Orthodox churches, e.g. Georgian Orthodox Church; U.S. Christian Right including U.S. Evangelicals; World Congress of Families; Group of Friends of the Family (state bloc)
Other Chapters
Dilma Ferreira Silva
Dilma Ferreira Silva was a leading Amazonian rights activist who fought for decades for the rights of people affected by dams.
She herself was among the 32,000 people displaced by the Tucuruí, a mega-hydroelectric power plant, built in Brazil during the 1964-1985 military dictatorship.
In 2005 Dilma was invited to join the Movement of Dam-Affected Peoples in Brazil (MAB), and in 2006 she formed the women’s collective, eventually becoming regional coordinator of the movement.
In speaking about her activism, her colleagues commented:
“She stood out very fast because she was always very fearless in the struggle.”
Dilma lived in the rural settlement of Salvador Allende,50 kilometers from Tucuruí, and dedicated her life to better protect communities and the land affected by the construction of mega projects. She was especially concerned with the gendered impacts of such projects and advocated for women’s rights.
At a national MAB meeting in 2011, Dilma spoke to women affected by the dams, saying:
“We are the real Marias, warriors, fighters who are there, facing the challenge of daily struggle”.
In the following years, Dilma organized grassroots MAD groups and worked with the community to form farming cooperatives that created a better distribution of food for the community. They improved the commercialization of fishing, and developed a cistern project for safe drinking water. She was also an advocate for farmers whose lands were being coveted by ‘grileiros’ (land grabbers).
On 22nd March 2019, at the age of 48, Dilma, her husband and their friend were all brutally murdered. The three killings came as part of a wave of violence in the Amazon against the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (translates as ‘landless workers’ movement’), environmental and indigenous activists.
Snippet FEA Map of Spain Union Otras (ES)
Sandra Viviana Cuellar Gallego
Solidarity: membership why page
Solidaridad
Nos solidarizamos unxs con otrxs, y con las distintas luchas por la justicia y las libertades. Procuramos movilizar y fortalecer la acción colectiva, y practicamos formas significativas de trabajar en conjunto.
Что подразумевается под внешним финансированием?
Внешнее финансирование включает гранты и другие формы финансирования от благотворительных фондов, правительств, двусторонних, многосторонних или корпоративных спонсоров и индивидуальных доноров – как внутри вашей страны, так и из-за рубежа. Сюда не входят ресурсы, которые группы, организации и/или движения генерируют самостоятельно, такие как, например, членские взносы, добровольные взносы "сотрудниц(-ков), участниц(-ков) и/или сторонниц(-ков), сборы через сообщество, сдача помещений в аренду или продажа услуг. Для удобства в опрос включены определения различных видов финансирования и краткие описания различных доноров.
Defendiendo nuestra tierra del poder corporativo
Estas industrias 'extraen' materias primas de la tierra: minería, gas, petróleo y madera son algunos ejemplos.
Este modelo económico explota desenfrenadamente la naturaleza e intensifica las desigualdades norte, donde sus grandes corporaciones se benefician y sur, de donde extraen los recursos.
Contaminación del agua, daño irreparable al medioambiente, comunidades forzadas a desplazarse son algunas de las consecuencias inmediatas.
Lee nuestro reporte de INDUSTRIAS EXTRACTIVAS
Hay alternativas sostenibles para el medioambiente y los derechos humanos de la mujer.
Descubre además cómo nos afecta económicamente
Molara Ogundipe
"Pero, ¿ fue el maestro alguna vez
seducido por el poder?
¿Alguna vez se rompió
un sistema con aceptación ?
¿Cuándo el JEFE te entregará el poder con amor?
¿En Jo'Burg, en Cancún o en la ONU? - Molara Ogundipe
En una entrevista, realizada en la Feria Internacional del Libro de Ghana de 2010, Molara Ogundipe se presentó con estas palabras "...Soy una nigeriana. He vivido, posiblemente, en todo el mundo, excepto en la Unión Soviética y China".
A través de los diferentes continentes y países, la profesora Ogundipe enseñó literatura comparada, escritura, género y filología inglesa, y utilizó la literatura como vehículo para la transformación social y el replanteamiento de las relaciones de género.
Molara Ogundipe, como pensadora, escritora, editora, crítica social, poeta y activista feminista, logró combinar el trabajo teórico con la creatividad y la acción práctica. Se la considera una de las principales voces críticas de los feminismos africanos, los estudios de género y la teoría literaria.
Molara acuñó el concepto de "estiwanismo" a partir de las siglas STIWA (Social Transformations in Africa Including Women) [Transformaciones Sociales en África Incluyendo a las Mujeres], con el fin de reconocer la necesidad de “alejar la definición del feminismo y los feminismos en relación con Euro-América u otro lugar, y declamar lealtades o deslealtades". Con su obra fundamental, "Recreándonos Nosotras Mismas", de 1994, Molara Ogundipe (publicada bajo el nombre de Molara Ogundipe-Leslie) dejó tras de sí un inmenso cuerpo de conocimientos que descolonizó el discurso feminista y "re-centró a las mujeres africanas en sus completas y complejas narrativas... guiadas por una exploración de la liberación económica, política y social de las mujeres africanas y la restauración de la agencia femenina en las diferentes culturas de África".
Comentando los retos a los que se enfrentó como joven académica, dijo:
"Cuando empecé a hablar y escribir sobre el feminismo a finales de los años sesenta y en los setenta, se me veía como una chica buena y admirable que se había extraviado, una mujer cuya cabeza se había arruinado con un exceso de aprendizaje".
Molara Ogundipe se destacó por su liderazgo a la hora de combinar el activismo con el mundo académico; en 1977 fue una de las fundadoras de la Asociación de Mujeres en la Investigación y el Desarrollo, AAWORD (por sus siglas en inglés),. En 1982 fundó Mujeres en Nigeria, WIN (por sus siglas en inglés), con el fin de abogar por un acceso pleno a los "derechos económicos, sociales y políticos" para las mujeres nigerianas. Posteriormente, estableció y dirigió la Fundación Internacional para la Educación y el Monitoreo y pasó muchos años en el consejo editorial del periódico The Guardian.
Luego de haber crecido con el pueblo yoruba, sus tradiciones, cultura e idioma, dijo una vez:
"Creo que la celebración de la vida, de las personas que mueren después de una vida llena de logros, es uno de los aspectos más hermosos de la cultura yoruba".
El nombre de alabanza yoruba 'Oiki' de Molara era Ayike. Molara nació el 27 de diciembre de 1940 y falleció el 18 de junio de 2019 a la edad de 78 años, en Ijebu-Igbo, Estado de Ogun, Nigeria.