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The Fifth High- Level Dialogue on Financing for Development, 7 – 8 December 2011, marked the beginning of the Post 2015 development agenda discussions, and the link to financing for development. The conference gave a special focus to increasing aid to finance the MDG’s. In his closing remarks, the Secretary General called on members to begin to consider the post-2015 development framework. 

Context

Contesting the premise that a country’s economy must always ‘grow or die’, de-growth propositions come to debunk the centrality of growth measured by increase in Gross domestic product (GDP).

Definition

A de-growth model proposes a shift towards a lower and sustainable level of production and consumption. In essence, shrinking the economic system to leave more space for human cooperation and ecosystems.

The proposal includes

• Downsizing resource-, energy- and emission-intensive superfluous production, particularly in the North (e.g. the automotive and military industries)
• Directing investments instead into the care sector, social infrastructure and environmental restoration

Feminist perspective

Feminist perspectives within de-growth theory and practice argue that it also needs to redefine and revalidate unpaid and paid, care and market labour to overcome traditional gender stereotypes as well as the prevailing wage gaps and income inequalities that devalue care work.

Learn more about this proposition

• In “The Future WE Want: Occupy development” Christa Wichterich argues that in order to break up the hegemonic logic of unfettered growth and quick returns on investment, three cornerstones of another development paradigm must combine: care, commons and sufficiency in production and consumption.
• Equitable, Ecological Degrowth: Feminist Contributions by Patricia Perkins suggests developing effective alternative indicators of well-being, including social and economic equity and work-time data, to demonstrate the importance of unpaid work and services for the economy and provide a mechanism for giving credit to those responsible.

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عن الاستطلاع

• عالمي ومتنوع يعكس وقائع التمويل للتنظيم النسوي على المستوى العالمي ومقسّم حسب المناطق
• مقسم حسب النطاق يضع أصوات، وجهات النظر والتجارب المعاشة للحركات النسوية في المركز ويسلط الضوء على ثروتها، شجاعتها وتنوّعها، كل واحدة في نطاقها
• مشترك: تم تطوير وتجربة الاستطلاع باستشارة أعضاء/ عضوات جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية والشركاء/ الشريكات في الحركة
• تكميلي يساهم ويعزّز الأدلة المتواجدة عن وضع التمويل للحركات النسوية والنسائية وحركات العدالة الجندرية من النشطاء/ الناشطات، الممولين/ات النسويين/ات والحلفاء/ الحليفا
• متعدد اللغات متاح باللغة العربية، الانجليزية، الفرنسية، البرتغالية، الروسية والاسبانية
• إعطاء الأولوية للخصوصية والأمان نحن ملتزمون/ات بالحفاظ على سرية وسلامة بياناتك. اقرأ/ي سياسة الخصوصية الخاصة بنا لمعرفة المزيد حول التدابير التي نتخذها لضمان حماية معلوماتك.
• متاح متاح لأشخاص مع درجات سمع، حركة، رؤية، وقدرات فكرية مختلفة، ويحتاج تقريباً 30 دقيقة لإتمامه.
• قابل للنسخ يمكن للحركات نسخ الاستطلاع لما يتناسب مع نطاقاتها. ستكون أدوات الاستطلاع متاحة لإجراء أبحاث إضافية ومناصرة مشتركة.

• El 8 y 9 de abril de 2015, en la sede de la ONU en Nueva York se realizaron audiencias interactivas oficiosas con el sector empresarial y la sociedad civil, respectivamente.
• Las organizaciones por los derechos de las mujeres y otras organizaciones de la sociedad civil (OSC) plantearon sus preocupaciones acerca de la participación limitada de los Estados Miembros durante las audiencias con las OSC, por lo cual el CSO Coordinating Group [Grupo Coordinador de las OSC, ACG en inglés] envió una carta a los facilitadores sobre este asunto.
• La segunda sesión redactora del Documento Final de la Conferencia de Adís Abeba tuvo lugar del 13 al 17 de abril de 2015 en la sede de la ONU. Sus discusiones tuvieron como base el Borrador Cero.
• En las diferentes sesiones oficiales y eventos paralelos, el WWG presentó recomendaciones sobre las áreas temáticas de la FpD a los Estados Miembros. Algunas de las principales preocupaciones de las mujeres giraban en torno al hecho de que el Borrador Cero no ponía suficiente énfasis en los impactos enormes y negativos de la crisis financiera producto de la inestabilidad en los sistemas financieros internacionales sobre el desarrollo, la igualdad y los derechos humanos, particularmente los derechos de las mujeres.

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.

Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.

Other Chapters

• Key opposition strategies and tactics
• Key impacts on the international human rights system
• Key opposition actors

Read the full report

Other Chapters

• Key opposition strategies and tactics
• Key impacts on the international human rights system
• Key opposition actors

Read the full report

O objetivo principal do inquérito WITM é chamar a atenção para o estado financeiro dos diversos movimentos feministas, de direitos das mulheres, de justiça de género, de LBTQI+ e de aliados globalmente, e com base nisto, fortalecer ainda mais o argumento para transferir mais recursos de melhor qualidade e poder para os movimentos feministas.

Le financement du développement est, pour les droits des femmes et les droits humains de  toutes et tous, un champ qui comporte des menaces et des possibilités spécifiques. Le financement du développement et des politiques à visées transformatrices peut être un facteur déterminant dans la mise en œuvre des changements systémiques nécessaires pour garantir le respect, la protection et la réalisation des droits humains des femmes.

L’année 2015 est une année importante pour le processus sur le FdD. La troisième Conférence internationale sur le FdD (site en anglais) a eu lieu du 13 au 16 juillet à Addis Abeba, en Éthiopie. En outre, les gouvernements mettent actuellement la dernière main au programme de développement pour l'après-2015 et notamment aux accords qui détermineront les modalités de financement des nouveaux objectifs pour le développement durable.

L’étape actuelle du processus sur le FdD est une occasion importante pour définir un cadre de financement susceptible de garantir le financement efficace de la mise en œuvre du programme de développement de l’après-2015 et des Objectifs pour le développement durable (ODD). Elle pourrait également permettre d’aborder les conditions structurelles et les changements systémiques nécessaires à la pleine réalisation d’autres priorités et engagements,  tels que les conventions sur les droits humains et le Programme d'action de Beijing.

Au cours de ces treize dernières années, les organisations féministes et de défense des droits des femmes se sont résolument engagées dans le processus sur le FdD.

Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]

Seven pointers to consider

Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.

El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:

• [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
• [icon] Sistemas políticos
• [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.

Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.

Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible.   Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.

Não, solicitamos apenas um inquérito completo por grupo.